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rape (284), the (219), and (188), that (121), myths (83), women (73), are (61), sexual (59), victims (48), myth (45), for (45), men (38), #acceptance (37), doi (32), raped (32), victim (32), they (30), about (26), male (26), journal (24), violence (23), assault (23), sex (23), law (22), not (22), from (21), s2cid (20), edit (20), their (19), with (16), culture (16), beliefs (16), marital (16), female (16), retrieved (15), against (15), have (15), also (15), purity (14), scale (14), isbn (14), 2017 (14), consent (14), gender (13), woman (13), were (13), who (13), more (13), white (13), this (12), was (12), one (12), can (12), false (12), she (11), when (11), common (11), than (11), war (11), blame (10), criminal (10), justice (10), university (10), other (10), crime (10), often (10), any (10), such (10), many (10), psychology (9), united (9), november (9), 2015 (9), pdf (9), rapes (9), issn (8), 978 (8), involving (8), jennifer (8), analysis (8), cannot (8), history (8), perpetrators 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Text of the page (random words):
about rape rape victims and rapists which create a climate hostile to rape victims 1 burt s definition has been widely used 13 in 1994 kimberly a lonsway and louise f fitzgerald defined rape myths as attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women 14 some scholars such as gerd bohner and heike gerger have argued that descriptors such as false and widely held should not be included in a formal definition of what rape myths are since myths are often constructed in a way that are impossible to falsify as in the example many women secretly desire to be raped where secret desire cannot be disproven and the degree to which rape myths are widely held or accepted may vary over time 13 bohner has offered an alternative definition of rape myths as descriptive or prescriptive beliefs about rape i e about its causes context consequences perpetrators victims and their interaction that serve to deny downplay or justify sexual violence against women 13 15 while scholars disagree somewhat on how to precisely define the concept of rape myths and rape myths can vary across different cultures and societies there is a general consensus that there are four basic types of rape myths those that blame the victim for their rape those that express doubt or disbelief about victim s reports of a rape those that exonerate the rapist and those that suggest that only a certain type of victim gets raped 13 16 lonsway fitzgerald and diana l payne wrote in 1999 that the term rape myth does not imply that a given scenario never occurs and it is clear that any individual instance might conform to the characteristics described in cultural male mythology since there is undeniably some percentage of women who have made false reports of rape and there are certain situational or personal characteristics that differentiate women who have been raped from those who have not they argue however that rape myths are generally false in nature and function to deny and justify the victimization of women 12 heteronormative discourses edit heteronormativity and associated discourses undergird and perpetuate many rape myths the construction of the male sexual subject and female passive object serves to de legitimatize allegations of sexual assault that are contrary to heterosexual norms such as where women are perpetrators and men are victims through the male sexual drive discourse it is thought that men are always ready and desiring sex and women activate their interest 17 which can invalidate experiences that do not conform to this discourse similarly the have hold discourse produces women as asexual and heterosexual pleasure comes secondary to the ultimate goal of having a relationship and family 18 common rape myths edit rape myths involving female victims edit common rape myths involving female victims may include that women commonly or routinely lie about rape 12 13 19 20 21 22 23 24 excessive citations that what the victim is wearing can lead to a sexual assault or that rape is the victim s fault if they wore revealing clothes 1 19 13 22 25 26 27 23 excessive citations that victims bear responsibility for an assault if they were intoxicated when it happened 19 28 29 30 that most rapes are committed by strangers 20 21 25 31 in reality most rapes are committed by friends family or other individuals known to the victim 5 32 33 24 that only young women deemed sexually attractive can be raped 34 that when a man pays for a dinner or date a woman is expected to reciprocate with intercourse 19 20 22 that women who are raped often deserve it particularly if they entered a man s home or got in his car or that such actions indicate consent to sex 20 1 23 that it is not rape unless the victim fights physically resists or that it is not rape unless the victim is physically coerced or injured 20 25 27 35 in reality many rapes do not involve physical coercion as in cases where the victim is impaired unconscious or where an unequal power relationship forces the victim to submit 36 37 38 35 that a woman should be able to avoid rape by fighting off the rapist and that she has the responsibility to do so 5 1 that some women secretly want to be raped 21 25 23 24 39 that the victim enjoyed being raped if they had experienced orgasm or became aroused 40 that it is impossible to rape one s wife or intimate partner 21 25 23 that rape is simply unwanted sex not a violent crime 21 that women ask for rape for example by flirting dressing provocatively consuming alcohol or behaving promiscuously 1 or that only certain kinds of women i e bad girls are raped 13 1 12 41 23 24 excessive citations that women often say no when they really mean yes as a way of leading men on 42 that men are unable to control themselves once they become sexually excited that women are responsible for rape if they allow things to go too far 20 25 27 or that consent to kissing petting etc constitutes consent to intercourse 43 that women commonly falsely allege rape out of spite to overcome guilt after a sexual encounter they regret to cover up an unwanted pregnancy or for attention 25 27 that most rapists are psychotic or mentally ill 23 24 44 that consent to one sexual encounter constitutes consent to another i e that it cannot be rape if the victim and rapist have previously had consensual sex 43 that real victims report rape immediately in reality victims often do not report rapes immediately due to societal pressure possible backlash and trauma such as rape related post traumatic stress disorder also known as rape trauma syndrome victims of rape may also feel feelings of guilt and shame which deter them from reporting the crime or doing so promptly 3 45 46 47 48 49 rape myths involving male victims edit although it has been estimated that as many as one in three victims of rape in conflict are men 50 there has been less research on perceptions of rape myths of male victims 51 the following have been identified that a man cannot be raped by a woman 50 52 that men or boys who are raped or sexually assaulted by women are lucky 53 54 that rape of men happens mainly in prison 55 that being raped by a male attacker is synonymous with the loss of masculinity 51 that if a man becomes aroused or ejaculated while being raped they must have liked it 40 that men who are sexually assaulted by men must be homosexual 51 that men are incapable of functioning sexually unless they are sexually aroused 51 that men cannot be forced to have sex against their will 51 that men are less affected by sexual assault than women 51 that men are in a constant state of readiness to accept any sexual opportunity 51 that a man is expected to be able to defend himself against sexual assault 51 that men experience little trauma when raped by a woman 56 they may also include the following beliefs 57 51 39 denial that male rape does not exist blame that male rape is the victim s fault trauma that men are less traumatized by the rape the latter two categories show higher myth acceptance in the case when the perpetrator is a female 57 51 male victims are also placed with the blame of their rape more often than female victims 58 marital rape myths edit jennifer koshan states that many marital rape myths were born from british attitudes and laws during colonial times and were rationales that granted criminal immunity to husbands accused of marital rape 59 such myths include women in intimate relationships are in a state of perpetual consent 60 or the implied consent theory 61 wives could not be raped because they joined the person of her husband or the theory of coverture 61 wives became the property of their husband and could be raped without regard for punishment 61 women that consent to sex with their partner after being raped cannot claim to have been raped 60 being raped by one s husband is less severe than being raped by a stranger 62 marital rape allegations are vengeful women crying rape 63 and women are prone to fabrication 64 racial rape myths edit the law is too slow 1923 anti lynching illustration by george bellows scholars have argued that racism remains a critical component of sexual violence discourse within the united states 65 alcoff and gray state that white victims who report they were raped by non white perpetrators are more likely to be believed than non white victims who report white perpetrators 66 racialization of victims and perpetrators edit see also genocidal rape during the european colonization of north america several white commentators were impressed by the fact that native american men showed no sexual interest in white women 67 charles thomson noted that while native americans had been known to brutally murder and scalp white women there were no known instances of them ever raping a white woman 67 this fueled a widespread belief that native american men found white women to be physically unattractive and that they would therefore be unlikely to rape a white woman 67 this notion has received support from modern scholars including james axtell 67 on the other hand interracial relationships between white men and native american women were very common on the frontier as was the rape of native american women 67 rooted in slavery and the white slave owners access to black women the jezebel rape myth portrays black women as unrapable 68 due to a belief that they are sexually promiscuous and seductive and thus would not refuse to consent or could tempt white men to have sex with them 69 8 racial rape myths against african americans were a major factor during the nadir of american race relations when accusations against black men regularly triggered lynchings and race riots 8 sherene razack argues that indigenous women in canada are seen as hypersexual and therefore unrapable 70 problems arising out of rape myths edit the prevalence of rape myths is a major reason for rape victim blaming and stigmatization 2 3 rape myths can cause victims of rape to blame themselves for their rape or to not report their assault and they can also shape the responses of judges and juries causing a negative impact on rape victims 23 some studies have shown that police officers are often distrustful of rape victims account of their victimization and that many of them believe some common rape myths 21 71 72 a scottish survey found that many police officers believed false rape allegations are common and as a result do not believe the victim 73 in the uk more broadly 19 of complainants reported criminal investigation department officers making statement such as your statement is like a fairy tale and you are making this up 73 also many who believe even one rape myth typically also do not believe female rape myths any more or any less than male rape myths 58 though men are also more likely to warrant rape myths rather than women 39 due to reported higher rape myth acceptance among males than females as well as because of other gender based differences in perceptions and standpoints one analysis by patricia yancey martin john r reynolds and shelley keith suggested that a judiciary made up solely of men differs from one made up of more equal proportions of women and men 27 74 studies by emily finch and vanessa munro on mock juries found that they were heavily influenced by myths regarding intoxicated complainants such as that any conscious person would express resistance to rape 75 this commentary is furthered by the writings of mallios and meisner who state that rape myth acceptance is problematic in judicial settings they assert that voir dire can be used to curb jury bias related to preconceived notions regarding rape 76 judges prosecutors and lawyers can be misinformed about rape myths giving rise to a bias within the trial in 1982 uk judge bertrand richards infamously claimed that it is the height of imprudence for any girl to hitch hike at night that is plain it isn t really worth stating she is in the true sense asking for it 77 in 2015 david osborne a senior barrister in the uk published a blog named she was gagging for it where he claimed that men should be cleared if a rape victim is too drunk to consent 78 dead link this problem is further heightened by the fact that investigative agencies various participants in the legal system and points of contacts for rape victims for example the nearest doctor are likelier to be male than female the 2015 book asking for it by kate harding talks about common rape myths and about the differences between male and female rapes one in five women and one in seventy one men in the united states will find out what it s like to be raped according to harding she writes women are no more important than any other potential victims but we are the primary targets of the messages and myths that sustain rape culture anyone can be raped but men aren t conditioned to live in terror of it nor are they constantly warned that their clothing travel choices alcohol consumption and expressions of sexuality are likely to bring violations upon them 79 19 in asking for it harding writes of rape that we tend not to treat it as a serious crime unless there s simultaneously evidence of another one 79 11 the author also quotes psychologist david lisak he says that ultimately only a tiny handful of rapists ever serve time for rape a shocking outcome given that we view rape as close kin to murder in the taxonomy of violent crime 79 11 twin myths edit the twin myths suggest that a victim s previous sexual history makes them less believable and or more likely to consent canadian law does allow for the inclusion of previous sexual history but defence counsel must present a s 276 application and a hearing is held to ensure the evidence will not be used in the context of the twin myths 80 rape myth acceptance edit measures edit in 1980 martha r burt introduced the rape myth acceptance scale rma or rmas 1 81 the scale was the first method for measuring an individual s level of belief in rape myths and became the most widely used 12 using burt s method rape myth acceptance is measured by asking subjects 19 questions the first 10 questions each consist of a statement which suggests that rape victims are responsible for their own rape and ask the subject to assess its truthfulness rating each statement on a seven point scale from strongly agree to strongly disagree the 11th statement tests for the inverse of this idea asking whether or not it is true that any woman can be raped the remaining questions ask test subjects to guess the proportion of reported rapes that are false and assess whether they are more or less likely to believe a rape victim based on the victim s personal characteristics for example their gender their race or ethnicity their age or their relationship to the test subject 81 burt s original study concluded that many americans believed in rape myths more than half of the individuals sampled in her original survey had...
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