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description= 8 posts published by Jonathan Jarrett during July 2016;
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the, and, in, of, medieval, kalamazoo, 2015, part, early, archives, power, to, roundtable, europe, middle, ages, resources, monthly, july, 2016, minute, details, minting, constantinople, final, quiet, return, ruler, all, busy, day, links, imitation, officialdom, islamic, syria, 45, state, its, loyal, constituencies, late, antiquity, 80, leadership, profiles, tenth, eleventh, century, church, 99, women, 1100, 536, pathways, northern, 540, peasants, texts, iii, 432, money, 472, rethinking, maps, discoveries, stuff, sad, news, interesting, research, quality, medievalism, this, is, cool, 226, nature, problem, for, historians, 248, venerable, bede, issues, controversies, 315, fluctuating, networks, constructive, role, broken, bonds, mediterranean, beyond, recent, comments, see, something, wrong, blogroll, currently, reading, institutions, tourism, pictures, personal, webpages, email, subscription, rss, feed,
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ay i had been asked to review both it and its partner volume covering 976 1067 which of course meant i had to read it in detail of which there is much in the books 2 what they actually are is a number of corpora of byzantine gold solidi of constantinople not just one corpus each as you might imagine and a series of attached essays dealing with the design political æsthetics and production of the coins füeg is not a numismatist by training there are after all almost no places that one can acquire such training but a retired professor of architecture and this may be one of the reasons this book goes to some strange places it seemed to me in reading it though that the author doesn t always recognise where his argument or even in happy moments his data take him and that the true worth of the book is in deductions which it requires like the one i want to set out in this post six denarii of emperor septimius severus all struck from the same obverse die but different reverse ones and collected by doug smith on whose website this image is located and which is linked through it the great strength of füeg s work is that he has a huge sample die study for those not already speaking fluent numismatist this is a thing one can particularly do with pre industrial coinage because each of the dies with which the coins were struck were of course hand carved and therefore unique in detail thus if one has enough of a certain issue of coins one expects to see individual dies turn up again and again and someone with sharp enough eyes and short enough sight can recognise them 3 there are various things one can do with this information but the simplest thing one can do is to count the dies one observes and this füeg has done that is data we didn t have before whatever its quality may be and my brain started to fire where he observes that there is a drop in the number of reverse dies being used at the constantinople mint at the point where the coinage ceases to distinguish between officinae of the mint on its gold coinage 4 a copper alloy forty nummi coin of emperor justin ii struck at constantinople in 565 566 in the alpha officina barber institute of fine arts b1208 so ok you may fairly ask at this point what s an officina and the answer is that we don t really know in the mid fourth century the roman coinage which was basically uniform across the whole empire but with frequently varying codes that identified the issuing mint of each coin began to add letters to reverse designs in use at certain mints that seem to have distinguished issues within their production lyons is especially complex for example by the time we can sensibly speak of byzantine coinage this system had settled into a sequence of greek letters for each mint 5 most mints ran to only two or three letters alpha beta gamma sometimes delta and epsilon or more confusingly nothing and theta but constantinople could get up to iota in some issues on the copper alloy coinage these letters appeared below the main denomination mark on the reverse as you see above and on the gold they appear at the end of the reverse legend as below these we call officinae largely because some of the early roman instances actually use the letters of and a number for them a gold solidus of emperor maurice struck at constantinople in 583 601 in officina eta h barber institute of fine arts b1810 not to scale with previous note how the officina letter is bigger than and out of line with the letters of the legend victori a avcc suggesting that the die was marked for an officina only after it had been completed elsewhere as i say we don t really know what these divisions within the mint were some obvious suggestions have been made different workshops as implied by the word we use for them teams within the mint markers of different commissioned officials or even companies making the coin but we don t really have the means to test these theories or we didn t until now but füeg notices that when this marking of officinae ceases under emperor leo iii some of whose coins you can see here the count of reverse dies drops noticeably he doesn t do anything with this fact but it s part of the answer as mentioned the officina marking only stopped on the gold at this point here is a copper alloy follis of emperors leo iii and constantine v struck in constantinople in 717 741 and about the clearest thing on it is the mark for officina beta not to scale with previous coins barber institute of fine arts b4530 in case you re not with me consider if the way that the mint worked was that there were up to ten separate workshops or even teams turning out coins at full capacity they would go through dies at the same rate whether those dies were marked for them or not but production seems to have stayed up and reverse die use went down that can only mean that prior to the change reverse dies marked up for officinae weren t being used to capacity which means in turn that there must have been a point in a minting cycle or design lifetime at which each officina stopped work that s not simultaneous striking under each mark therefore the officinae must have been sequential switching over at intervals we don t know that s where füeg s observation leads even if he hasn t taken it there it s not a big deal perhaps but no one s been able to figure it out before it affects millions of pieces of evidence that passed through millions of people s hands and if he won t figure it out i am happy to do so instead a gold solidus of emperors leo iii and constantine v struck at constantinople in 717 741 barber institute of fine arts b4510 not to scale with previous coins the alert will notice that this coin has a theta at the end of the reverse legend instead of the old officina mark these have long puzzled people füeg has an explanation for them of course but that would be another and much longer blog post 6 1 f füeg corpus of the nomismata from anastasius ii to john i in constantinople 713 976 structure of the issues corpus of coins finds contribution to the iconographic and monetary history ed italo vecchi transl h thomas hofmänner lancaster pa 2007 2 füeg corpus of the nomismata from basil ii to eudocia 976 1067 corpus from anastasius ii to john i 713 976 with addenda structure of the issues 976 1067 the concave convex histamena contribution to the iconographic and monetary history ed vecchi transl hofmänner lancaster pa 2014 reading the which is what has held up the review but it will get done after another project that i haven t yet told you about is off my desk for a bit 3 for explanations as well as doug smith die links a tool for the numismatist in celator vol 9 lancaster pa 1995 pp 12 17 as linked above see philip grierson numismatics oxford 1975 pp 142 144 4 füeg corpus of the nomismata from anastasius ii to john i p 11 5 r a g carson p v hill j p c kent late roman bronze coinage london 1960 philip grierson byzantine coins london 1982 pp 20 24 6 the short of it is that he thinks the mint switches to using indictional dates here for a few years which lets him do all kinds of magic with reattributions and so on füeg corpus of the nomismata from anastasius ii to john i pp 13 18 the long of it explaining all of that would be oh so much longer 53 799461 1 600789 leave a comment posted in byzantium now working on numismatics tagged coinage constantinople franz füeg officinae kalamazoo 2015 part 4 and final posted on 28 july 2016 2 comments although it continues to be a ridiculous reporting backlog i have yet it does advance and we now reach the last day of the 2015 international congress on medieval studies at kalamazoo this is always the hardest day because the dance is the night before but the first session starts early so that play closes in time for people to head home i suppose i should just be grateful that for the first time in my attendance i wasn t presenting first thing sunday morning but some people of course were and since they included both a friend and someone talking about the picts there i duly was 536 pathways to power in early medieval northern europe jan henrik fallgren early medieval lordship hierarchies and field systems in scandinavia and the british isles álvaro carvajal castro state formation within the localities a comparative approach to land management and productive processes in early medieval england and northwestern iberia óskar sveinbjarnarson new evidence for emerging power structures in northern pictland douglas bolender a household perspective on state formation in medieval iceland this was a tightly focused session all were looking for answers to the same question what can we say about how social hierarchy and power emerge in the northern edges of europe in the post roman centuries for dr fallgren one answer lay in farm organisation he saw a pattern of central big houses often long houses with surrounding fields with a marked out perimeter in all of öland gotland ireland england and pictland this meant ignoring a considerable amount of variation about how this was done in practice and i thought the similarities he was detecting risked being more or less demographically determined but if the causation could be more clearly worked out there d be something to say here all the same álvaro in the way that perhaps at the moment only he can was also comparing widely england ireland and spain emphasising that there was never a mythical autarkic peasant moment on which lordship comes to be imposed in any of these societies but that still lordship and organisation of settlement do intensify together in ways that we can observe in the historical and archæological record 1 his paper was valuable for emphasising that despite this that lordship does not include everyone and spain especially shows us lots of small independent proprietors continuing alongside and between the big coagulating lordships in their areas 2 for mr sveinbjarnarson working with the much less forthcoming evidence from the erstwhile pictland where he had been digging at the fort complex of rhynie the significant time was the fifth and sixth centuries when after a period of breakdown we see wealth acculumation and deposition as hoards prestige imports reaching this far north again an increase in size and decrease in numbers of fortifications big old forts being reactivated and so forth i think we sort of knew this but mr sveinbjarnarson was able to colour in a lot more of the picture than i knew about 3 lastly professor bolender who had the hardest job in some ways although there is textual evidence for settlement organisation in early iceland in the form of landnámabók the book of the taking of lands finding enough of any kind of archæology to challenge it is very difficult one question asked him what tools roads or place names might add to the enquiry to all of which his answer was pretty much the evidence doesn t exist for now landnámabók s picture of initial large farms set up by the earliest settlers then infilled by smaller settlements and eventually large consolidated interests emerging seems at least not to be contradicted iceland of course offers that initial purely peasant society which álvaro was stressing didn t exist in his areas and it s interesting to see the same dynamics nevertheless emerging but i did think that the messages of this session might have been even clearer if one of the papers had tackled an area where large landownership never went away like southern gaul just to get a better idea of what they were seeing that was close to universal and what that was specifically extra roman still to want so much is already a sign that the comparison was forcing some quite high level thinking then i think we couldn t face the canteen lunch and went into town for nachos this was a good idea from the point of view of food but less good from the point of view of timing as we returned late for the last session of the conference which was this one 540 peasants and texts helen cushman marcolf s biological warfare dialogue peasant discourse and the lower bodily stratum in the english solomon and marcolf sherri olson peasants texts and cultures of power shane bobrycki the peasant and the crowd in the early middle ages maj britt frenze textualized pagans depicting the people of the heath in conversion era anglo saxon england because of the late return i can tell you nothing about ms cushman s paper which i entirely missed my apologies for that professor olson however mounted a strong argument from fourteenth century court rolls from elmlea and durham that despite the popular picture of peasant societies as being illiterate these ones both generated and disputed with written records from their own agreements kept at home apparently right up to the court rolls itself which were sometimes consulted by peasant plaintiffs while not by any means all themselves literate they were still what the more theorised among us would probably call a textual community bound by a shared interpretation of what these texts that governed their tenures meant 4 shane whom i met in cambridge years ago and had not seen since gave us an erudite run down of shifting attitudes to crowds in the largely élite written sources for the early medieval west the romans distrusted all forms of public crowd for all that the élites needed their approbation but in the early medieval context crowds were sometimes good the legitimate forum for validation and expression of justice righteousness and so on unless argued shane that crowd was made up of peasants in which case pretty much all our sources still consider them dangerous and illegitimate and use the language of rusticity only for things they want to denigrate lastly ms frenze did that most kalamazoid of things trying to strain new meanings out of beowulf and bede s ecclesiastical history her conclusions were roughly the same as shane s the heath is dangerous though for bede christian blood could sanctify it i had managed to dodge all the beowulf papers so far so i guess i had to catch one and i do understand why there are always so many but if the deliverer of one doesn t at least acknowledge the problem of dating the poem i m afraid my response to them will always be sceptical and so that was that goodbyes were said and we variously made our ways to our transports for us a train to detroit and then a plane out the next morning after a small amount of cautious sight seeing around that post lapsarian city and back to the groves of uk academe but it was a good conference more surprisingly like leeds in demographic than usual but with most of the people i d hoped to see seen and many things learnt i always hope to make it to kalamazoo again but one has to know about one s schedule so far in advance to mesh it with a uk teaching job that it takes forethought i rarely possess next time though i might now be exalted enough not to settle for the dorms 1 álvaro s cites here seem worth giving they being susan oosthuizen the anglo saxo...
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