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description= 1 post published by Reidar Visser on January 30, 2012;
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2012 january 30 iraq and gulf analysis iraq and gulf analysis home about archives august 2015 january 2015 december 2014 october 2014 september 2014 august 2014 july 2014 june 2014 may 2014 april 2014 march 2014 february 2014 january 2014 december 2013 november 2013 october 2013 september 2013 august 2013 july 2013 june 2013 may 2013 april 2013 march 2013 february 2013 january 2013 december 2012 november 2012 october 2012 september 2012 august 2012 july 2012 june 2012 may 2012 april 2012 march 2012 february 2012 january 2012 december 2011 november 2011 october 2011 september 2011 august 2011 july 2011 june 2011 may 2011 april 2011 march 2011 february 2011 january 2011 december 2010 november 2010 october 2010 september 2010 august 2010 july 2010 june 2010 may 2010 april 2010 march 2010 february 2010 january 2010 december 2009 november 2009 october 2009 september 2009 august 2009 july 2009 june 2009 may 2009 april 2009 march 2009 february 2009 january 2009 december 2008 november 2008 october 2008 september 2008 august 2008 july 2008 june 2008 may 2008 april 2008 march 2008 february 2008 january 2008 december 2007 november 2007 october 2007 september 2007 august 2007 july 2007 june 2007 may 2007 april 2007 march 2007 february 2007 january 2007 december 2006 november 2006 october 2006 september 2006 august 2006 july 2006 june 2006 may 2006 april 2006 march 2006 february 2006 january 2006 december 2005 november 2005 october 2005 august 2005 categories basra and southern regionalism 34 de baathification 11 federalism in sunni majority areas of iraq 14 federalism in the middle east 6 iranian influence in iraq 55 iraq regionalism general 27 iraq and soft partition 39 iraq international relations 5 iraq local elections 2013 21 iraq parliament membership 13 iraq parliamentary elections 2014 26 iraq s 2010 parliamentary election 175 iraqi constitutional issues 280 iraqi nationalism 95 kirkuk and disputed territories 47 oil in iraq 46 rule of law 2 sectarian master narrative 55 shiite sectarian federalism 16 uia dynamics 133 uncategorized 59 us policy in iraq leverage issues 67 meta create account log in entries feed comments feed wordpress com my latest book on amazon com from just world books available on amazon com twitter updates tweets by reidarvisser january 2012 m t w t f s s 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 dec feb subscribe entries rss comments rss recent posts legality and constitutionality questions in iraq s reform push the federalism dimension in yemen s draft constitution federalism and decentralization in libya s constitutional proposals groundbreaking iraq supreme court ruling on the law on mp replacement after the rise of isis will iraq s shiites secede additional ministers approved for the iraq cabinet the controversial kurdish ministers in the new iraqi cabinet the iraqi parliament fails to approve new security ministers the iraqi parliament approves the abbadi cabinet haydar al abbadi is the new iraq pm candidate maliki the presidency and parliament in the iraq pm nomination battle pm nomination trouble in iraq iraq elects fuad masum as new president for the first time in iraq a large field of presidential candidates the iraqi parliament elects its new speakership archive for january 30th 2012 after a futile and counter productive boycott iraqiyya returns to parliament posted by reidar visser on monday 30 january 2012 12 54 the return by the secular iraqiyya coalition to parliament announced yesterday seems like a logical albeit long overdue move in the first place to boycott parliament was in itself a tactic that above all signalled isolation iraqiyya was unhappy with the general direction of iraqi politics but was evidently unable to change the political game whether through its representatives in parliament or through its participation in cabinet more recently there has been evidence that iraqiyya was also hurting itself through its actions since the start of the boycott the frequency of defections from the coalition in both sunni and shiite areas has increased still it is noteworthy that wataniyyun one of the recent breakaway groups who promised to never rejoin iraqiyya yesterday hailed the decision of the leadership to return to parliament the lingering question is whether iraqiyya will withdraw its ministers permanently from cabinet in that respect there have been even clearer indications of a substantial renegade trend headed by iraqiyya ministers wanting to keep their cabinet jobs despite having been ordered to boycott by their party leaders in particular the ministers who have continued to attend meetings despite the official boycott are from the karbuli bloc of iraqiyya called al hall as well as a turkmen minister for the provinces at the same time there are signs that maliki and state of law also have shortcomings with respect to their ability to benefit from the situation for example their deputy fuad al dawraki yesterday expressed satisfaction of the return of the iraqiyya since it represents a certain component of the iraqi people that is not only tantamount to falsely claiming iraqiyya is a sunni party it also indicates the limits to the prospect of the mainly shiite state of law successfully co opting breakaway elements from iraqiyya as much needed additional parliamentary support what will probably define the struggle in the weeks to come is not the elusive national conference or any real attempt at implementing the arbil agreement but instead the fight for the annual budget the only item parliament is constitutionally bound to deal with and also the only item where maliki truly needs the active support of parliament in recent sessions it seemed maliki would have to navigate between kurds seeking concessions for their emerging energy sector and sadrists with populist demands about citizen petrodollars with the return of iraqiyya there will be the third alternative of compensating iraqiyya deputies in sunni majority areas with budgetary pork barrel a potentially cross cutting and complicating issue in all of this is the continued struggle over the general amnesty law on this issue sadrists and iraqiyya see eye to eye in wanting a more liberal regime whereas maliki s state of law coalition is more restrictive towards wide ranging amnesties in the past there have been attempts by politicians to bundle several bills with the budget in order to maximise their own leverage in negotiations though not always successful the law on electoral conduct proposed in december 2009 being a case in point chances are maliki will press for a separate budget deal with whomever is prepared to negotiate with him on his terms iraqiyya are trumpeting the initiatives from sadrists and isci as opposed to the stance of maliki as reasons for returning to parliament if there is to be more than rhetoric to this they will need to find agreement on issues and agendas when parliament reconvenes tomorrow 31 january the budget is now the number one item on the agenda posted in iraq s 2010 parliamentary election 29 comments blog at wordpress com subscribe subscribed iraq and gulf analysis join 203 other subscribers sign me up already have a wordpress com account log in now privacy iraq and gulf analysis subscribe subscribed sign up log in report this content view site in reader manage subscriptions collapse this bar design a site like this with wordpress com get started
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