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conomic advancement of workers rather than overt political issues it was an important distinction often lost on government and employers who viewed any organisation of workers by urban elites with deep suspicion as subversive of colonial authority in large part the indonesian study club leaders distinction between political and social economic activities reflected their assessment of what was possible post 1926 they believed that the government would suppress labour unions which were too closely linked organisationally to political parties or if the tone and themes of their public meetings were no different from those of political party meetings in part though it also reflected their conviction that political allegiances could be divisive they were particularly concerned about unions based on religion and they observed with some alarm the emergence of christian labour unions and the debates within the psi about the possibility of creating islamic labour unions 17 in their view indonesian workers could only successfully combat the power of employers if they were united in one organisation tied neither to a political party nor to a religious group but with members joining political or religious organisations of their choice 18 in its analysis of the failure of the city wide strikes in surabaya in 1925 the indonesian study club argued that a key factor was the lack of organisation and leadership among surabaya workers 19 this was a theme to which it returned repeatedly over the coming years in the meantime through 1927 and 1928 study club leaders watched efforts to fill the gap left by the collapse of unions connected to the pki the large unions for government workers such as the pawnshop workers union and the teachers unions continued to have a significant presence in surabaya most interest though was in renewed efforts to organise workers in private employ on the docks in the factories on the private rail and tramways and among lower paid workers such as taxi drivers it was a difficult task to reinstil confidence in labour unions a surabaya postal worker summed up the prevailing mood early in 1928 when he told a union leader that i am not brave although the work is heavy if i speak out aloud i am accused of being a communist 20 sarekat kaum buruh indonesia the sarekat kaum buruh indonesia indonesian workers association skbi was the first attempt to create a city wide union for surabaya workers after the demise of the pki 21 established in july 1928 its executive included former members of the banned pki who had been active in surabaya unions connected to it the close connection between surabaya political and labour union leaders despite ideological and personal differences is evident not just in the fact that a pni branch leader was the first chairman of the skbi but also that its inaugural public meeting was held in the indonesian study club building with pni and indonesian study club members in attendance moreover sutomo was one of the speakers urging workers to overcome their fears and become active in labour unions 22 the skbi promised to confront employers on the workers behalf it sometimes invoked the name of former pki and union leader semaun and tried to persuade workers that it was a continuation of pki led unions but moving now in a nationalist direction the flag chosen by the skbi symbolically linked it to the pki the red background with a black hammer and pen under the union name symbolised the unity of kasar literally coarse but meaning blue collar workers and halus literally refined but meaning white collar workers 23 the statutes and work programme of the skbi made clear its leaders ideological convictions the marxist language was dangerously reminiscent of the banned pki 24 in trying to create branches throughout java the surabaya leaders of the skbi sought support from local pni members sympathetic to their aims many of the initial propaganda meetings in towns and cities outside surabaya were organised by local pni members and sometimes held in pni offices however it was not long before surabaya leaders of the study club and the pni distanced themselves from the skbi sutomo privately stated that he had been warned by the surabaya political intelligence service in late 1928 about associating with the skbi chairman marsudi because he was a communist marsudi was also suspected by many in surabaya of being a government spy 25 communist or government spy or both by early 1929 marsudi had no support from the study club or the pni he then wrote to sukarno seeking support from the bandung based central executive of the pni to no avail the bandung leadership issued an instruction to all branches that pni members were not to become involved with the skbi it believed that it was only a matter of time before the government crushed the skbi and was anxious that it did not suffer the same fate through association with it 26 on 1 april 1929 the skbi central executive applied to join the comintern sponsored league against colonialism and colonial oppression and on 30 may was formally accepted the exchange of letters between the skbi and the league against imperialism and colonial oppression only came to the notice of the surabaya political intelligence service on 16 july when a spy supplied copies batavia was quickly informed and on 26 july house searches and arrests were ordered of skbi leaders 27 the union was proscribed and six of those arrested were subsequently interned in boven digul 28 the indonesian study club and labour unions as he observed the failure of new unions to take root among surabaya workers sutomo became convinced that the study club should take the initiative on 12 july 1929 the indonesian study club organised a public meeting at the study club building to establish a taxi drivers union sarekat chauffeur indonesia consistent with the arguments he had been making over the previous five years sutomo argued that the new union should not be involved in politics but rather should seek to improve the economic and social life of drivers 29 he believed that unions had so far not proved powerful enough to counter bad working conditions and that the indonesian study club with its strong leadership and well resourced organisation would be able to do much better the arrest of skbi leaders on 26 july confirmed sutomo in his convictions 30 in the latter half of 1929 sutomo outlined his thinking on labour unions in a series of major speeches at public meetings in october 1929 for example he surveyed the development of labour unions in the netherlands thirty years ago he said there were no labour unions and the worst possible conditions for workers this was all changed by the netherlands federation of labour unions which educated workers to be aware of their conditions and organised them to force better wages and conditions from employers these improvements to dutch workers wages and conditions had yet to flow through to workers in indonesia sutomo was reported as saying if a more collective spirit had been shown during the 1925 workers unrest and if there had not been a shortage of leaders then workers would now be living in better circumstances and have obtained acknowledgement of many of their rights from both government and employers sutomo urged workers to organise themselves and explained that the success of labour union action depended on continual agitation in conjunction with mutual solidarity party discipline and unconditional support of everything decided by the organization with all personal opinions and interests set aside 31 sutomo argued that labour unions must work in two directions first they must demand that the government introduce social laws controlling such things as child and female labour working hours and the safety of the workplace and providing basic rights of association for workers second they must struggle for better working conditions all unions should have a work programme which included raising wages and shortening working hours he again warned against mixing religion and politics in labour unions cautioning that worker unity would fall apart if differences in religious belief or ideological conviction were allowed to intrude 32 he also addressed the issue of strikes on the one hand he did not rule them out he was well read enough in european history to know that the strike was an important weapon in the improvement of european workers wages and conditions and he was aware that if workers did not have the right to strike and did not threaten to exercise that right from time to time they would have little leverage against employers along with all nationalists he was strongly opposed to the battery of repressive laws in the colony which were used not just to suppress strikes but also to hobble the development of unions on the other hand he argued that a strike should only be considered when a union had good leadership committed and disciplined members and a strong strike fund strikes in europe had succeeded he argued not just because the legal framework within which workers operated was less draconian than in indonesia but also because european unions had large strike funds with which they could support striking workers and their families if an indonesian union wanted to organise a strike he believed that the first question it should ask itself was whether or not it had a chance of success entering into strikes which were doomed to failure from the start only weakened the position of colonial workers in his view there were many important lessons to be learnt from the failure of the major strikes in the colony the most important of which was that a large strike fund was essential without a large strike fund a labour union had no power the stronger the fund the more attention employers would give to workers thus he argued that the largest strike yet seen in colonial indonesia the railway workers strike in 1923 never had a chance of succeeding because the vstp lacked a strong strike fund 33 while sutomo frequently spoke of workers right to strike and of the need for labour unions to have strong strike funds it is clear that he was convinced that the basic conditions for successful strikes were lacking in colonial indonesia whenever a particular strike occurred or was proposed sutomo made known his disapproval for example he had opposed nurses at the surabaya municipal hospital going on strike in 1924 and considered the three largest strikes in the colony those of the railway workers the pawnshop workers and the sugar factory workers ill conceived poorly planned and doomed to failure 34 in his view the short term objective of a strong strike fund was not actually to launch a strike but to use it as a tactical weapon in negotiations with employers a fighting fund is nothing other than an asset of an organisation which is not exclusively created to use during strikes but in the first instance should be used as a way of frightening employers if a large fighting fund exists then employers will pay more attention to the wishes of employees 35 for sutomo the history of labour unions in indonesia so far was a story of failure in his reading of the history of labour unions in europe sutomo seems to have been particularly influenced by the british labour movement he noted that many british labour unions had evolved out of friendly societies and trade guilds and observed that almost all had a deep involvement in social and economic issues with a stress on mutual benefit societies and cooperatives the lesson for indonesia he believed was that if labour unions were to be successful they needed to engage far more closely with workers daily lives a labour union focused on supporting the everyday social and economic needs of workers and educating them about the value of collective action would in time draw workers into lasting commitments while sutomo would never have used the term class consciousness nevertheless he believed that workers should be educated to an increased consciousness of themselves and their potential political power he believed that a strong labour movement with deep linkages into urban workers world would be of enormous benefit to the broader nationalist movement sutomo clearly believed that if unions were organised along these lines then government and employers would take notice and could be persuaded to improve workers wages and conditions little personal correspondence between political leaders has survived but one letter that has is from sutomo to the batavian nationalist and close confidant of sukarno husni thamrin 36 written in september 1929 the letter might have been a response to criticism from thamrin and perhaps also sukarno about sutomo s emphasis on labour union activities at the expense of the political movement in the letter sutomo sought the support of thamrin for his taking the leadership of the labour movement and asked him to discuss the matter with the pni leaders sartono and sukarno although he was not to get their support the arrest of sukarno in december 1929 intervened the letter makes clear his views on the importance of organising urban workers if i can speak quietly with you and sukarno i will be able to prove to you that our exertions in the labour movement will make us a thousand times more powerful in this way we are also more dangerous because the masses will truly stand behind us we often say that the colonial government stands under the influence of capitalist forces which exploit our land these forces are only able to do so by using native labourers and if we mobilise them not in a political sense but by opening their eyes to their human rights as employees and we explain this active struggle in this way to the colonial government whereby through good planning through intensive work with the masses through good discipline and through the development of self confidence we possess power and authority in society then the government will pay more attention to us 37 sutomo s analysis of the power of the colonial government and the powerlessness of labour unions led him to conclude that labour unions must avoid direct confrontation with the government he was well aware that in a colonial context all labour union activity was essentially political however he wanted to try to limit the room for government intervention by keeping unions and political parties organisationally separate and by avoiding language that advocated strikes or unrest it was a strategy of accommodation but in the circumstance after 1926 where the colonial state was determined to tame labour unions by limiting the space in which they could operate he believed there was no other option if labour unions were to have any chance of survival the nature of the relationship between labour unions and political parties divided the indonesian elite those convinced that labour unions must be involved in nationalist politics preferably directly linked to political parties were critical o...
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