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ticated law school instruction and scholarship this should be understood as part of an upgraded and reconfigured perception of the relations between adherence to international law and the pursuit of national interests and the public good as matters now stand the most influential centers of study and policy research are dominated by anachronistic ideas of legal and foreign policy pedagogy tied to various versions of militarized group think intolerant even of such prudently inclined and morally sensitive political realist thinkers as john mearsheimer stephen walt john bacevich and trita parti who continue to identify themselves realists 3 i suppose their exclusion from washington s corps of foreign policy advisors is mainly due to their greater skepticism when it comes to national reliance on military approaches to foreign policy challenges such views are unwelcome and unrepresented in the inner circles of foreign policymaking of the geopolitical or p5 actors perhaps most overtly in the united states a telling sign that the military industrial complex remains an impediment to the adoption or even the serious discussion of less militarist and more cooperative interpretations of global security hopefully the influence of twail perspectives on younger generations of students and teachers will sharpen their critical convictions with what is identified here as progressive interpretations of international law vii as is understandable twail scholarship and advocacy has sought up to now mainly to criticize and reform international law in the economic sphere engaging the right to development from the perspectives and priorities of the global south in the future it seems reasonable to expect more attention to be devoted to policy challenges in the spheres of global security and war peace the treat of prohibition of nuclear weapons tpnw 2021 is an example of global south leadership with regard to denuclearization and abolition of nuclear weaponry another example is the degree to which challenging the enforcement gap with respect to the gaza genocide have been due to legalist initiatives at the un and elsewhere pushed almost exclusively by countries in the global south viii because of the political realist dominance in the policy realm of ideas the subject matter of public international law tends to be marginalized except as it bears on trade and investment in law schools and most influential lawyers have little knowledge of either its constructive potential or its systemic disregard in policy making arenas of decision this should be challenged and changed adapting cooperative multilaterism which depends on codifying agreements in the form of enforceable treaties to policy concerns of global scope future security stability and even species survival depend on making these adjustments in a timely manner and will only happen as a result of civil society pressures which until now have ranged from weak to non existent reevaluating international law s response to the gaza genocide a legitimacy war perspective without underestimating the weaknesses of international law in relation to global security war peace issues and genocidal internal politics it is nevertheless even with these flaws an important policy instrument in the context of civil society activism and public discourse in relation to the quest for demilitarized justice driven peace and ecologically sensitive stability among states with respect to the gaza genocide post 1945 international law with regard to this crime is set forth in the 1948 international convention of genocide that was relied upon by south africa s widely praised recourse to the icj with interim proceedings at the hague given wide tv coverage and receiving favorable coverage of the presentation of its principal allegations against israel violation of the genocide convention and unlawfully blocking the international delivery of humanitarian aid to the population of gaza long deprived by israel of the necessities of life such a visual and theatrical presentation of the international arguments for and against israel s policy in gaza has had a major impact on the continuing process of delegitimizing israeli claims of self defense counterterrorism and antisemitism further informed by its contention of being victimized by the october 7 attack that it claims was the real genocide at the same time the carefully crafted and tv broadcast legal arguments of the south african team lent legitimacy to the south african requests for interim measures on an emergency basis and the weaknesses of israel s responses had a major public delegitimizing impact including on the previously self censoring most influential international media platforms these patterns were reinforced by the icj interim rulings granting south africa s requests for provisional measures especially characterizing its principal allegation as plausible genocide and ordering israel to stop impeding the delivery of humanitarian assistance what gave this historic interim set of rulings additional legal credibility was the near unanimous vote among the 16 participating judges and beyond this the professionalism of the legal reasoning and conclusions that did not mirror their national affiliations this alone tended to refute us israeli dismissal of the legal outcome in the icj as matters of politics not law ix until the present the media continued to self censor explicit descriptions of israel s behavior in gaza as genocide but recently the ny times broke ranks with a guest column by an academic genocide specialist omar bartov although ambiguously as it published prominently a notorious genocide denier bret stephens a few days later yet on balance part of the delegitimating trends affecting israel s stature as a state among states is the normalizing of genocide even though the enforcement gap precluded implementation of the icj rulings the decision is correctly interpreted as having as a breakthrough in the civil society protest efforts to turn the tide of discourse and public opinion in the legitimacy war that up to then israel benefitting from western governmental media self censorship and israeli inflated accounts of supposed hamas atrocities slanting public perceptions to forgo judging the severity of israel s response for several months this attitude of indulgence was largely abetted by decontextualizing the october 7 attack to enable israel s response to seem within the scope of reasonableness in asserting a self defense rationale for its retaliatory attack this shielded israel from criticism and censure throughout the remainder of 2023 x as important as the formal behavior of the established intergovernmental tribunals were in the legitimacy competition the voice of independent experts most notably associated with the special procedures mechanisms established by the un human rights council especially the brilliant institutional innovation of appointing special rapporteurs to address significant human rights themes or problematic country conditions xi partly due to israel s sensitivity about criticism its formidable media influence and the zionist diaspora lobbying and support network the srs for occupied palestine have increasingly become a controversial center of attention either by way of praise for their truthful reports despite harassment intended to be disabling or because of the relentless campaigns to question their credibility as impartial experts this dynamic peaked during the first three years of francesca albanese six year tenure climaxing with the us government imposition of unprecedented and legally questionable sanctions on july 9 2025 barring her entry to the us and freezing any american assets she might possess xii the formation of the gaza peoples tribunal is a further legitimating development with respect to the palestinian struggle and its sarajevo declaration is a clear statement of opposition to israel s policies and the complicity of most liberal democracies xiii a further legitimizing development if the courageous civil society efforts to offset israeli refusal to allow unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid is by way of the freedom flotilla initiatives that also were delegitimizing as far as israel is concerned due to crude attempts to disrupt the delivery missions punitively seizing of the nonviolent activists undertaking these hazardous voyages culminating with their detention and deportation xiv a further symbolic battleground in the legitimacy war is being struck by governments mainly in the global south so far most noticed by the activism of the hague group which met at bogotá in july at the invitation of co chairs from south africa and columbia featuring an opening inspirational remarks by francesca albanese and ending with the issuance of a statement signed by representative of 12 governments recommending the adoption of six measures intended to exert pressure on israel to end the gaza genocide xv earlier supporters of israel s genocide in gaza have been showing some signs of opposition as evidenced by the ambiguous decisions of france uk and canada to recognize palestinian statehood belatedly and conditionally and the uk parliamentary inquiry initiated by jeremy corbyn seeking an end to british support for israeli genocide in occupied palestine xvi israel itself contributed to its rogue status by a series of delegitimating acts none perhaps more impactful than its combat policies causing severe hunger and massive malnutrition in gaza and then cloaked in by fake claims associated with the gaza humanitarian foundation this policy has resulted in more than one thousand deaths due to starvation including young children and idf sniper violence at the food delivery sites such a genocidal policy provoked large scale protests including in western countries israel and the us policies associated with the weaponization of humanitarian aid in the cruelest imaginable manner initially by formally excluding unrwa and other international actors from aid delivery in gaza on the unsubstantiated grounds that a tiny fraction of its palestinian personnel was implicated in the events of october 7 or diverted to hamas it turned out after an investigation to be based on flimsy evidence alleging 12 unrwa staff of an estimated 13 000 collaborated with hamas in carrying out the attack israel succeeded in mounting an effective punitive propaganda campaign to defund unrwa although its humanitarian work of providing health services education food and shelter for many thousand palestinian refugees despite enduring more than 300 staff deaths resulting from israeli targeted bombardments of unrwa facilities xvii as appalling was its response to criticism for denying international deliveries of desperately needed food was to set up a gaza humanitarian foundation funded and administered by the us together with israel relying on supervision by a us private contractors mercenaries to run the four gaza food distribution centers inconveniently located in comparison with both the 400 such sites humanely situated and managed for decades by unrwa in contrast to the idf lethal violence palestinians encountered at the ghf sites which have resulted in more than 1000 deaths among the crowds of hungry palestinians seeking urgently needed food for their starving families and themselves this practice was daily reported visually and narrated extensively in previously self censoring sites by brave journalists that risked being targeted themselves with an intensifying delegitimizing effect on underlying perceptions of israeli outrageous benign claims of humanitarian intentions israel s plans to construct a humanitarian city built as a confinement center for palestinians displaced by israeli operations during the period of reconstruction is another orwellian deep dive into the severest forms of repression disguised as humanitarianism such transparent deceptions accentuate israel s delegitimating way of dealing with a resident civilian population forcibly torn from its devastated homeland and deep nationalist attachments to the land of its ancestors such an initiative has even been denounced by israel s former prime minister ehud olmert also relevant to this recital of delegitimizing policies and practice is israel s defiant responses manifested ever since its establishment to authoritative rulings of international law as expressed by the icj and icc as well as toward majoritarian criticisms of israel s failure to respect international law or human rights in numerous general assembly resolutions and in its rejections of its obligations in international humanitarian law as encapsulated in the 4 th geneva convention governing belligerent occupation regulating israel s occupation of palestinian territories resulting from the 1967 war xviii in effect the combination of palestine s enhanced legitimacy due in large part due to having international law and morality on its side as reinforced by israel s reliance on complementary delegitimizing policies and practices exhibiting a patterns of behavior evident long before october 7 it can be traced back to the ethnic cleansing inflicted by the nakba in 1948 and forward to apartheid structures of israeli practice as analyzed and assessed in a serides of expert studies by the most respected human rights ngos and by the un economic and social council of west asia escwa xix it is highly incriminating that the liberal democracies of the west priding themselves on anti racist progress in their own countries and supportive of the anti apartheid campaign against south africa remained silent until this day in the face of these persuasive indictments of israeli racism causal linkages are difficult to establish but this kind of pushback against israel s policies toward occupied palestine have had the tendency to shift the balance of legitimacy decisively during the prior two years in favor of the palestinian narrative in the legitimacy war the early results have been to lead governments supportive of israel in europe and elsewhere to start back pedaling and to lead the citizenries in these countries to shift policies and behavior more strongly in the direction of the implementation of palestinian rights under international law especially in relation to the recognition and realization of the palestinian inalienable right of self determination whether recent trends toward the recognition of palestinian statehood are an empty gesture meant to convey a concern for palestinian interests or a long overdue signal of a transformative shift in the approach of western countries to israel palestinian conflict remains hidden within a smoky crystal ball in forthcoming diplomacy it may be as the once promising oslo diplomacy turned out to be a trap for palestinians and a gateway to annexation or bantuization of palestinian aspirations concluding observations the law legitimacy nexus is particularly relevant in the course of an anti colonial struggle making it o...
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