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nce a war of balkan inception regardless of who started such a war would cause the alliance to respond by viewing the conflict as a casus foederis a trigger for the alliance christopher clark described that change as a very important development in the pre war system which made the events of 1914 possible 52 otte also agrees that france became significantly less keen on restraining russia after the austro serbian crisis of 1912 and sought to embolden russia against austria the russian ambassador conveyed poincare s message as saying that if russia wages war france also wages war 53 liman von sanders affair 1913 14 edit this was a crisis caused by the appointment of an imperial german army officer otto liman von sanders to command the ottoman first army corps guarding constantinople and the subsequent russian objections in november 1913 russian foreign minister sergei sazonov complained to berlin that the sanders mission was an openly hostile act in addition to threatening russia s foreign trade half of which flowed through the turkish straits the mission raised the possibility of a german led ottoman assault on russia s black sea ports and it imperiled russian plans for expansion in eastern anatolia a compromise arrangement was agreed for sanders to be appointed to the rather less senior and less influential position of inspector general in january 1914 54 when the war came sanders provided only limited help to the ottoman forces 55 anglo german détente 1912 14 edit historians have cautioned that taken together the preceding crises should not be seen as an argument that a european war was inevitable in 1914 citation needed the anglo german naval arms race became a considerable source of tension between germany and britain prior to world war i royal navy warships pictured above in battle formation although the haldane mission of february 1912 failed to halt the anglo german naval arms race the race suddenly paused in late 1912 as germany cut its naval budget in april 1913 britain and germany signed an agreement over the african territories of the portuguese empire which was expected to collapse imminently that empire lasted into the 1970s moreover the russians were again threatening british interests in persia and india the british were deeply annoyed by st petersburg s failure to observe the terms of the agreement struck in 1907 and began to feel an arrangement of some kind with germany might serve as a useful corrective 33 despite the 1908 interview in the daily telegraph which implied that kaiser wilhelm wanted war he came to be regarded as a guardian of peace after the moroccan crisis in the anglo german press wars previously an important feature of international politics during the first decade of the century virtually ceased in early 1913 h h asquith stated public opinion in both countries seems to point to an intimate and friendly understanding the end of the naval arms race the relaxation of colonial rivalries and the increased diplomatic co operation in the balkans all resulted in an improvement in germany s image in britain by the eve of the war 56 the british diplomat arthur nicolson wrote in may 1914 since i have been at the foreign office i have not seen such calm waters 57 the anglophile german ambassador karl max prince lichnowsky deplored that germany had acted hastily without waiting for the british offer of mediation in july 1914 to be given a chance citation needed domestic political factors edit drivers of austro hungarian policy edit ethno linguistic map of austria hungary 1910 bosnia herzegovina was annexed in 1908 following the 1914 july crisis austria hungary described its declaration of war on the kingdom of serbia as defensive 58 jack levy and william mulligan argued in 2021 that the death of franz ferdinand itself was a significant factor in helping escalate the july crisis into a war by killing a powerful proponent for peace and thus encouraged a more belligerent decision making process 59 british historian marvin b fried wrote in 2015 historians of the dual monarchy agree that at the outbreak of the war in july 1914 few of its leaders had any specific war aims in mind beyond the military defeat and political subjugation of serbia however once the monarchy was at war with russia and it was clear that the conflict would not be as short as originally hoped the austro hungarian leadership began to develop detailed and ultimately very extensive war aims which formed the subject of furious debate at the highest echelons of power 60 according to german historian fritz fischer 1967 and austrian historian manfried rauchensteiner 1993 the acquisition of congress poland became vienna s principal war aim as early as autumn 1914 when habsburg diplomats discussed the possibility of an austro polish dynastic union in talks with germany 61 lothar höbelt 2012 demonstrated that austro hungarian officials had made separating poland from the russian empire a clear policy goal from mid august 1914 onward 62 but there were disagreements on whether to support an independent polish state which would however embolden nationalist separatists inside the habsburg empire itself to add poland as a third kingdom next to austria and hungary which the hungarians strongly opposed or to unify congress poland and galicia as an integral part of cisleithania under austrian suzerainty the preferred option 63 even before the war austrian politicians sought to obtain russian poland for two main reasons to strengthen cisleithania as opposed to hungary dominated transleithania and to appease the galician polish aristocrats who in exchange for the privilege of dominating the kingdom of galicia and lodomeria at the expense of the ukrainian ruthenian majority in eastern galicia was deeply loyal to the austrian dynasty 64 strengthening the position of the galician polish aristocratic loyalists also had the added benefit of counterbalancing the czech demands for more autonomy and the austro polish or cisleithanian option was the only feasible austrian territorial expansion that would not provoke the magyars in hungary who opposed constitutional changes 64 63 the argument that austria hungary was a moribund political entity whose disappearance was only a matter of time was deployed by hostile contemporaries to suggest that its efforts to defend its integrity during the last years before the war were in some sense illegitimate 65 clark states evaluating the prospects of the austro hungarian empire on the eve of the first world war confronts us in an acute way with the problem of temporal perspective the collapse of the empire amid war and defeat in 1918 impressed itself upon the retrospective view of the habsburg lands overshadowing the scene with auguries of imminent and ineluctable decline 66 it is true that austro hungarian politics in the decades before the war were increasingly dominated by the struggle for national rights among the empire s eleven official nationalities germans hungarians czechs slovaks slovenes croats serbs romanians ruthenians ukrainians poles and italians however before 1914 radical nationalists seeking full separation from the empire were still a small minority and austria hungary s political turbulence was more noisy than deep 67 in fact in the decade before the war the habsburg lands passed through a phase of strong widely shared economic growth most inhabitants associated the habsburgs with the benefits of orderly government public education welfare sanitation the rule of law and the maintenance of a sophisticated infrastructure citation needed christopher clark states prosperous and relatively well administered the empire like its elderly sovereign exhibited a curious stability amid turmoil crises came and went without appearing to threaten the existence of the system as such the situation was always as the viennese journalist karl kraus quipped desperate but not serious 67 german domestic politics edit further information fischer controversy left wing parties especially the social democratic party of germany spd made large gains in the 1912 german federal election the german government was still dominated by the prussian junkers who feared the rise of left wing parties fritz fischer famously argued that the junker class deliberately sought an external war to distract the population and to whip up patriotic support for the government 68 indeed one german military leader moritz von lynker the chief of the military cabinet wanted war in 1909 because it was desirable in order to escape from difficulties at home and abroad 69 the conservative party leader ernst von heydebrand und der lasa suggested that a war would strengthen patriarchal order 70 other authors argue that german conservatives were ambivalent about a war for fear that losing a war would have disastrous consequences and believed that even a successful war might alienate the population if it was lengthy or difficult 32 many german people complained of a need to conform to the euphoria around them which allowed later nazi propagandists to foster an image of national fulfillment later destroyed by wartime betrayal and subversion culminating in the alleged dolchstoss stab in the back of the army by socialists 71 however david g williamson believes that despite the ambivalence felt among some in the german empire in its main land in europe especially certain actors in the labor movement the spirit of 1914 was widely shared enough among all social classes to prove that the empire was the primary cause of world war i 72 drivers of italian policy edit see also history of the kingdom of italy 1861 1946 postcard of the italo turkish war 1911 1912 gabriele d annunzio national poet vate of italy and a prominent nationalist revolutionary who was a supporter of italy joining the action in world war i a pro war demonstration in bologna 1914 territories promised to italy by the treaty of london 1915 i e trentino alto adige julian march and dalmatia tan and the snežnik plateau area green dalmatia after world war i however was not assigned to italy but to yugoslavia even after 1870 after the unification of italy many ethnic italian speakers italians in trentino alto adige südtirol savoyard italians corfiot italians niçard italians swiss italians corsican italians maltese italians istrian italians and dalmatian italians remained outside the borders of the kingdom of italy planting the seeds of italian irredentism italy entered into the world war i in 1915 with the aim of completing national unity for this reason the italian intervention in the world war i is also considered the fourth italian war of independence 73 in a historiographical perspective that identifies in the latter the conclusion of the unification of italy whose military actions began during the revolutions of 1848 with the first italian war of independence 74 75 after the capture of rome 1870 almost the whole of italy was united in a single state the kingdom of italy however the so called irredent lands were missing that is italian speaking geographically or historically italian lands that were not yet part of the unitary state among the irredent lands still belonging to austria hungary were usually indicated as such julian march with the city of fiume trentino alto adige and dalmatia the italian irredentism movement which aimed at the reunification of the aforementioned with the motherland and therefore their consequent redemption was active precisely between the last decades of the 19th century and the early 20th century it was precisely in the irredentist sphere that the theme of the need for a fourth italian war of independence against austria hungary began to develop in the last decades of the 19th century 76 77 when italy was still firmly incorporated in the triple alliance also the italo turkish war was seen in the irredentist context as part of this theme 78 in italy society was divided over the war italian socialists generally opposed the war and supported pacifism while nationalists militantly supported the war long time nationalists gabriele d annunzio and luigi federzoni together with a former socialist journalist and new convert to nationalist sentiment future fascist dictator benito mussolini demanded that italy join the war for nationalists italy had to maintain its alliance with the central powers to gain colonial territories at the expense of france for the liberals the war presented italy a long awaited opportunity to use an alliance with the triple entente to gain certain italian populated and other territories from austria hungary which had long been part of italian patriotic aims since unification in 1915 relatives of italian revolutionary and republican hero giuseppe garibaldi died on the battlefield of france where they had volunteered to fight federzoni used the memorial services to declare the importance of italy joining the war and to warn the monarchy of the consequences of continued disunity in italy if it did not italy has awaited this since 1866 her truly a national war to feel unified at last renewed by the unanimous action and identical sacrifice of all her sons today while italy still wavers before the necessity imposed by history the name of garibaldi resanctified by blood rises again to warn her that she will not be able to defeat the revolution save by fighting and winning her national war luigi federzoni 1915 79 mussolini used his new newspaper il popolo d italia and his strong oratorical skills to urge a broad political audience ranging from right wing nationalists to patriotic revolutionary leftists to support italy s entry into the war to gain back italian populated territories from austria hungary by saying enough of libya and on to trento and trieste 79 although the left was traditionally opposed to war mussolini claimed that this time it was in their interest to join the war to tear down the aristocratic hohenzollern dynasty of germany which he claimed was the enemy of all european workers 80 mussolini and other nationalists warned the italian government that italy must join the war or face revolution and called for violence against pacifists and neutralists 81 with nationalist sentiment firmly on the side of reclaiming italian territories of austria hungary italy entered negotiations with the triple entente the negotiations ended successfully in april 1915 when the london pact was brokered with the italian government the pact ensured italy the right to attain all italian populated lands it wanted from austria hungary as well as concessions in the balkan peninsula and suitable compensation for any territory gained by the united kingdom and france from germany in africa 82 the proposal fulfilled the desires of italian nationalists and italian imperialism and was agreed to italy joined the triple entente in its war against austria hungary the reaction in italy was divided former prime minister giovanni giolitti was furious over italy s decision to go to w...
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