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upport an independent polish state which would however embolden nationalist separatists inside the habsburg empire itself to add poland as a third kingdom next to austria and hungary which the hungarians strongly opposed or to unify congress poland and galicia as an integral part of cisleithania under austrian suzerainty the preferred option 63 even before the war austrian politicians sought to obtain russian poland for two main reasons to strengthen cisleithania as opposed to hungary dominated transleithania and to appease the galician polish aristocrats who in exchange for the privilege of dominating the kingdom of galicia and lodomeria at the expense of the ukrainian ruthenian majority in eastern galicia was deeply loyal to the austrian dynasty 64 strengthening the position of the galician polish aristocratic loyalists also had the added benefit of counterbalancing the czech demands for more autonomy and the austro polish or cisleithanian option was the only feasible austrian territorial expansion that would not provoke the magyars in hungary who opposed constitutional changes 64 63 the argument that austria hungary was a moribund political entity whose disappearance was only a matter of time was deployed by hostile contemporaries to suggest that its efforts to defend its integrity during the last years before the war were in some sense illegitimate 65 clark states evaluating the prospects of the austro hungarian empire on the eve of the first world war confronts us in an acute way with the problem of temporal perspective the collapse of the empire amid war and defeat in 1918 impressed itself upon the retrospective view of the habsburg lands overshadowing the scene with auguries of imminent and ineluctable decline 66 it is true that austro hungarian politics in the decades before the war were increasingly dominated by the struggle for national rights among the empire s eleven official nationalities germans hungarians czechs slovaks slovenes croats serbs romanians ruthenians ukrainians poles and italians however before 1914 radical nationalists seeking full separation from the empire were still a small minority and austria hungary s political turbulence was more noisy than deep 67 in fact in the decade before the war the habsburg lands passed through a phase of strong widely shared economic growth most inhabitants associated the habsburgs with the benefits of orderly government public education welfare sanitation the rule of law and the maintenance of a sophisticated infrastructure citation needed christopher clark states prosperous and relatively well administered the empire like its elderly sovereign exhibited a curious stability amid turmoil crises came and went without appearing to threaten the existence of the system as such the situation was always as the viennese journalist karl kraus quipped desperate but not serious 67 german domestic politics edit further information fischer controversy left wing parties especially the social democratic party of germany spd made large gains in the 1912 german federal election the german government was still dominated by the prussian junkers who feared the rise of left wing parties fritz fischer famously argued that the junker class deliberately sought an external war to distract the population and to whip up patriotic support for the government 68 indeed one german military leader moritz von lynker the chief of the military cabinet wanted war in 1909 because it was desirable in order to escape from difficulties at home and abroad 69 the conservative party leader ernst von heydebrand und der lasa suggested that a war would strengthen patriarchal order 70 other authors argue that german conservatives were ambivalent about a war for fear that losing a war would have disastrous consequences and believed that even a successful war might alienate the population if it was lengthy or difficult 32 many german people complained of a need to conform to the euphoria around them which allowed later nazi propagandists to foster an image of national fulfillment later destroyed by wartime betrayal and subversion culminating in the alleged dolchstoss stab in the back of the army by socialists 71 however david g williamson believes that despite the ambivalence felt among some in the german empire in its main land in europe especially certain actors in the labor movement the spirit of 1914 was widely shared enough among all social classes to prove that the empire was the primary cause of world war i 72 drivers of italian policy edit see also history of the kingdom of italy 1861 1946 postcard of the italo turkish war 1911 1912 gabriele d annunzio national poet vate of italy and a prominent nationalist revolutionary who was a supporter of italy joining the action in world war i a pro war demonstration in bologna 1914 territories promised to italy by the treaty of london 1915 i e trentino alto adige julian march and dalmatia tan and the snežnik plateau area green dalmatia after world war i however was not assigned to italy but to yugoslavia even after 1870 after the unification of italy many ethnic italian speakers italians in trentino alto adige südtirol savoyard italians corfiot italians niçard italians swiss italians corsican italians maltese italians istrian italians and dalmatian italians remained outside the borders of the kingdom of italy planting the seeds of italian irredentism italy entered into the world war i in 1915 with the aim of completing national unity for this reason the italian intervention in the world war i is also considered the fourth italian war of independence 73 in a historiographical perspective that identifies in the latter the conclusion of the unification of italy whose military actions began during the revolutions of 1848 with the first italian war of independence 74 75 after the capture of rome 1870 almost the whole of italy was united in a single state the kingdom of italy however the so called irredent lands were missing that is italian speaking geographically or historically italian lands that were not yet part of the unitary state among the irredent lands still belonging to austria hungary were usually indicated as such julian march with the city of fiume trentino alto adige and dalmatia the italian irredentism movement which aimed at the reunification of the aforementioned with the motherland and therefore their consequent redemption was active precisely between the last decades of the 19th century and the early 20th century it was precisely in the irredentist sphere that the theme of the need for a fourth italian war of independence against austria hungary began to develop in the last decades of the 19th century 76 77 when italy was still firmly incorporated in the triple alliance also the italo turkish war was seen in the irredentist context as part of this theme 78 in italy society was divided over the war italian socialists generally opposed the war and supported pacifism while nationalists militantly supported the war long time nationalists gabriele d annunzio and luigi federzoni together with a former socialist journalist and new convert to nationalist sentiment future fascist dictator benito mussolini demanded that italy join the war for nationalists italy had to maintain its alliance with the central powers to gain colonial territories at the expense of france for the liberals the war presented italy a long awaited opportunity to use an alliance with the triple entente to gain certain italian populated and other territories from austria hungary which had long been part of italian patriotic aims since unification in 1915 relatives of italian revolutionary and republican hero giuseppe garibaldi died on the battlefield of france where they had volunteered to fight federzoni used the memorial services to declare the importance of italy joining the war and to warn the monarchy of the consequences of continued disunity in italy if it did not italy has awaited this since 1866 her truly a national war to feel unified at last renewed by the unanimous action and identical sacrifice of all her sons today while italy still wavers before the necessity imposed by history the name of garibaldi resanctified by blood rises again to warn her that she will not be able to defeat the revolution save by fighting and winning her national war luigi federzoni 1915 79 mussolini used his new newspaper il popolo d italia and his strong oratorical skills to urge a broad political audience ranging from right wing nationalists to patriotic revolutionary leftists to support italy s entry into the war to gain back italian populated territories from austria hungary by saying enough of libya and on to trento and trieste 79 although the left was traditionally opposed to war mussolini claimed that this time it was in their interest to join the war to tear down the aristocratic hohenzollern dynasty of germany which he claimed was the enemy of all european workers 80 mussolini and other nationalists warned the italian government that italy must join the war or face revolution and called for violence against pacifists and neutralists 81 with nationalist sentiment firmly on the side of reclaiming italian territories of austria hungary italy entered negotiations with the triple entente the negotiations ended successfully in april 1915 when the london pact was brokered with the italian government the pact ensured italy the right to attain all italian populated lands it wanted from austria hungary as well as concessions in the balkan peninsula and suitable compensation for any territory gained by the united kingdom and france from germany in africa 82 the proposal fulfilled the desires of italian nationalists and italian imperialism and was agreed to italy joined the triple entente in its war against austria hungary the reaction in italy was divided former prime minister giovanni giolitti was furious over italy s decision to go to war against its former allies germany and austria hungary giolitti claimed that italy would fail in the war predicting high numbers of mutinies austro hungarian occupation of even more italian territory and that the failure would produce a catastrophic rebellion that would destroy the liberal democratic monarchy and the liberal democratic secular institutions of the state 83 freemasonry was an influential semi secret force in italian politics with a strong presence among professionals and the middle class across italy as well as among the leadership in parliament public administration and the army the two main organization were the grand orient and the grand lodge of italy they had 25 000 members in 500 or more lodges freemasons took on the challenge of mobilizing the press public opinion and the leading political parties in support of italy s joining the war as an ally of france and great britain in 1914 15 they temporarily dropped their traditional pacifistic rhetoric and adopted the objectives of the nationalists freemasonry had historically promoted cosmopolitan universal values and by 1917 onwards they reverted to their internationalist stance and pressed for the creation of a league of nations to promote a new post war universal order based upon the peaceful coexistence of independent and democratic nations 84 drivers of serbian policy edit the principal aims of serbian policy were to consolidate the russian backed expansion of serbia in the balkan wars and to achieve dreams of a greater serbia which included the unification of lands with large ethnic serb populations in austria hungary including bosnia 85 one important factor was the idea that serbia was to be the piedmont of the balkans the core land that would unite all south slavs into a single state just like piedmont sardinia had done during the italian risorgimento however the unexpected emergence of an independent principality of bulgaria in 1878 challenged serbia s monopoly on yugoslavism and a fierce regional competition with the bulgarians began 86 87 serbian bulgarian rivalry between 1878 and 1914 caused several wars between what were ironically supposedly south slavic brethren 86 87 after bulgaria incorporated eastern rumelia in 1885 king milan i of serbia feared that bulgaria would annex macedonia and decided to wage the serbo bulgarian war 1885 to prevent it although the serbs suffered a great defeat 86 inside serbia there was a strong sense of a loss of opportunity in the southeastern balkans and there were fears that belgrade might forever lose its chances of uniting the western balkans as well as austria hungary already incorporated the later territories of slovenia and croatia first occupied bosnia and herzegovina in 1878 and then annexed them as a crown land in 1908 86 87 underlying that was a culture of extreme nationalism and a cult of assassination which romanticized the slaying of the ottoman sultan murad i as the heroic epilogue to the otherwise disastrous battle of kosovo on 28 june 1389 clark states the greater serbian vision was not just a question of government policy however or even of propaganda it was woven deeply into the culture and identity of the serbs 85 famed serbian american scientist michael pupin for example in july 1914 explicitly connected the battle of kosovo a natural heritage of every true serb to franz ferdinand s assassination he wrote that the battle s memory always served as a reminder to the serbs that they must avenge the wrongs perpetrated upon their race 88 serbian policy was complicated by the fact that the main actors in 1914 were both the official serb government led by nikola pašić and the black hand terrorists led by the head of serb military intelligence known as apis the black hand believed that a greater serbia would be achieved by provoking a war with austria hungary by an act of terror the war would be won with russian backing citation needed the official government position was to focus on consolidating the gains made during the exhausting balkan war and to avoid further conflicts that official policy was temporized by the political necessity of simultaneously and clandestinely supporting dreams of a greater serbian state in the long term 89 the serbian government found it impossible to put an end to the machinations of the black hand for fear it would itself be overthrown clark states serbian authorities were partly unwilling and partly unable to suppress the irredentist activity that had given rise to the assassinations in the first place 90 russia tended to support serbia as a fellow slavic state considered serbia its client and encouraged serbia to focus its irredentism against austria hungary because it would discourage conflict between serbia and bulgaria another prospective russian ally in macedonia citation needed imperialism edit see also new imperialism global closure edit the global space for imperial expansion ended c 1900 91 all contemporary empires reached their last frontier later the event was called global closure 92 93 94...
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