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description= 8 posts published by Jonathan Jarrett during August 2016;
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the, and, in, medieval, of, early, leeds, world, archives, history, imc, report, for, 2015, part, century, byzantine, frontiers, islamic, networks, ii, monthly, august, 2016, debunking, book, review, dealings, with, jerusalem, before, eleventh, remains, modern, cesma, field, trip, to, shrewsbury, another, gathering, byzantinists, birmingham, seminar, ccxxxix, fragments, father, 539, texts, politics, long, 10th, western, kingdom, 641, re, formed, coinage, renewed, meaning, using, imitating, disposing, coins, far, beyond, imperial, 733, vi, iberia, 814, neighbours, iv, tracing, aristocratic, three, kingdoms, 233, provinces, syria, west, 325, byzantium, context, environment, economy, power, crisis, renewal, 401, europe, lecture, recent, comments, see, something, wrong, blogroll, currently, reading, institutions, tourism, pictures, personal, webpages, resources, email, subscription, rss, feed,
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mbols which professor ying thought possible certainly as someone else observed that would be about all you could see on a coin someone was wearing as jewellery unless you were impolitely close this all hung together very well and i gather that publication of something deriving from this is in distant prospect it should be fun double pierced solidus of justin ii found in a tomb at guyuan click through to an article on lin ying s in which further context and some comparator finds are presented that got me to lunch and then it was off to a different bit of my interests i do begin to understand how someone like me must be almost impossible to schedule for 733 the early islamic world vi iberia nicola clarke law families and the frontier in umayyad iberia mateusz wilk power law and ideology in umayyad spain eduardo manzano moreno conquest and settlement what al andalus can tell us about the arab expansion at the time of the umayyad caliphate i will pretty much always go to hear eduardo manzano speak but here there were obviously other things to interest me too dr clarke dug into the agendas of the arabic sources for the conquest of al andalus all significantly posterior to events and for the most part more interested in trying to settle questions of how the caliph should behave to his lieutenants when they exceed his authority and indeed who should have been caliph at all and why for example being able to restrain those same lieutenants the result of which is that it s quite hard to say how far either caliph al walīd or the lieutenant in question mūsā ibn nusayr were in any real control of events dr wilk on the other hand saw in them an attempt to picture muslim spain as a new and better umayyad syria but with shifts once the malikite school of law took hold there in the ninth or tenth centuries and with no useful ninth century sources which is hard to say this provoked surprising amounts of argument commentators proved very invested in the importance of malikism in al andalus either as a mark of arabian connection or as the ineluctable result of fugitives from arabia turning up there and it would perhaps have been more fun to set these people arguing with each other than with dr wilk lastly professor manzano pointed out some odd things about the muslim conquest of spain not least that it was accomplished largely by berber auxiliaries whose acculturation to islam took place largely in the peninsula not before getting there and that by moving a large salaried army into the peninsula and keeping it that way rather than settling it at least at first the new rulers committed themselves to importing a whole fiscal system including gold coin for tax and copper coin for pay where nothing like it had existed for a long time which more or less required the cooperation of christian worthies to make it work this got professor manzano and me into an argument about the survival of the visigothic taxation system and how far that involved copper an argument that ann christys had to stop but in which i would now graciously concede that we were both wrong which i m sure would amuse him 4 a coin on the importance of which we could agree a copper alloy fals of the unlocated al andalus mint struck in somewhen during the eighth or ninth centuries i guess jean elsen ses fils auction 120 15 march 2014 lot 1594 revitalised by dispute i imagine i needed tea less than usual at the end of this session but with the last session of the day still to come i certainly did still need it 814 networks and neighbours iv tracing aristocratic networks in three early medieval kingdoms i was here partly because the title involved some of my keywords and partly out of a loyalty to a related journal that was at that stage this is a story for another time still supposedly about to publish me but also because roger collins was supposed to be moderating and that unfortunately proved not to be so the running order was this paulo henrique de carvalho pachá searching for the visigothic state monarchy and aristocracy in the visigothic kingdom of toledo karen torres da rosa merovingian testaments and power relations in the transference of goods renato rodrigues da silva northumbrian aristocracy through archaeological evidence coins and coinage señor de carvalho engaged directly with the work of luis garcía moreno arguing that rather than an eternal opposition between kings and nobles in visigothic spain we should see a periodic rebuilding of consensus between these and other elements of the state which could break down in a variety of ways not just that defining cleavage since the monarchy was obviously unable to operate without any aristocratic support at all and the aristocracy was frequently divided 5 this made sense to me and the only thing that surprised was the age of the scholarship being engaged surely written before the speaker was born discussion here was very constitutional and made my normal realpolitikal take on such power dealings feel very out of place miss da rosa s work was at too early a stage for it to be fair for me to comment on it here though and señor rodrigues s paper about the early northumbrian silver coinage as a tool of aristocratic power i thought rested on some pretty unprovable assumptions about moneyers there were many ideas here that needed better links to the evidence i m afraid that at the end of this incipient local loyalties not withstanding i was minded not to come to another networks and neighbours imc session obverse of a silver penny of king aldfrith of northumbria 685 704 cambridge fitzwilliam museum cm 1980 2007 reverse of the same coin i think the triple tailed wolf probably militates against this being an attempt to churchify the coinage myself looking back over this as i write it up it strikes me suddenly how generalised the use of coin evidence is becoming in the fields of history i follow granted one of these sessions was explicitly about it but coins were part of one speaker s evidence in two of the other sessions as well which as you see makes hunting down suitable illustrations much easier for me it s nice to think though that the numismatic gospel might be getting out there anyway what i did with the evening i cannot now recall i fervently hope that it was spent drinking with friends and colleagues and certainly on one night of the conference i went hunting curry houses with two of the birmingham posse perhaps that was this evening but in any case it is another day recounted next one in two posts time 1 my point of reference would have been rosamond mckitterick the frankish kingdoms under the carolingians 751 987 harlow 1987 pp 305 339 but now as i say there is also geoffrey koziol the politics of memory and identity in carolingian royal diplomas the west frankish kingdom 840 987 turnhout 2012 and we re still reacting 2 on this i cannot resist citing koziol is robert i in hell the diploma for saint denis and the mind of a rebel king jan 25 923 in early medieval europe vol 14 oxford 2006 pp 233 267 which is fun 3 on gerberga see simon maclean reform queenship and the end of the world in tenth century france adso s letter on the origin and time of the antichrist in revue belge de philologie et d histoire vol 86 bruxelles 2008 pp 645 675 doi 10 3406 rbph 2008 7582 4 i m wrong because i hadn t realised quite how early the visigothic copper coinage we know about was and it almost certainly wasn t still running by 711 he s wrong because it existed at all dammit see miquel crusafont i sabater the copper coinage of the visigoths of spain in mário gomes marques and d michael metcalf edd problems of medieval coinage in the iberian area a symposium held by the sociedade numismática scalabitana and the instituto de sintra on 4 8 october 1988 santarém 1988 pp 35 70 but now also crusafont jaume benages jaume noguera guillén eduard ble gimeno pau valdés matias tomi cartes xavier sicart joan enric vila la sèrie de plata de la monarquia visigoda in acta numismàtica vol 45 2014 pp 71 80 which changes the picture quite a lot 5 that work being luís agustín garcía moreno historia de españa visigoda madrid 1989 to which one might for example compare javier arce martínez the visigoths in spain old and new historical problems in walter pohl veronika wieser edd der frühmittelalterliche staat europäische perspektiven forschungen zur geschichte des mittelalters 16 wien 2009 pp 31 42 53 799461 1 600789 4 comments posted in anglo saxons byzantium carolingians charters islamic crescent numismatics scandinavia spain tagged al andalus aristocrats authority and power berbers burial archaeology charles the simple china ed roberts eduardo manzano florent audy fraser mcnair geoffrey koziol horst loßlein india karen torres de rosa lin ying louis the foreigner maastricht mateusz wilk nicola clarke northumbria paulo henrique de carvalho pachá rebecca darley renato rodrigues de silva umayyads visigothic spain dealings with jerusalem before the eleventh century posted on 21 august 2016 6 comments a vice that i am prone to is that of poking at other people s research areas without knowing very much about it as has often been evidenced here i won t link out of embarrassment nonetheless i can t help it if someone is doing something interesting it seems only natural to me to turn it around and over mentally looking for the questions that i would ask if i were doing this thing this post is about such a question and i can t remember exactly what sparked it off it may have been getting ready to teach carolingians and picking up on the peculiar ways in which charlemagne s empire tried to make itself felt in the mediterranean but it is more likely to have been sparked by a conversation with daniel reynolds currently of birmingham who is the person whose research area this is and who will doubtless be the one to tell me what s wrong with this post 1 medieval map of jerusalem source unclear dan is a man who works on a broad swathe of related things but central to many of them is the theme of pilgrimage to jerusalem in the era before the crusades it s not that there is no work on this but it is almost all done from the perspective of the pilgrims and jerusalem itself its community and its patriarchal rulers are not really studied as part of what was going on or such is the argument 2 and fair enough i shall leave that to him and await his publications eagerly but thinking about this left me with a question of my own which he will in fact probably answer but still has me wondering meanwhile if you look at the very few times that we know about the actual patriarchs being involved in contact with the west other than supposedly providing bags of relics to passing pilgrims until the tenth century at least it was really distant rulers with whom they engaged st martin of tours if he counts as a ruler st radegund of poitiers who was at least royal charlemagne and louis the pious as kings of the franks and the outlier case king alfred the great of wessex and sometimes though not that often the popes in rome once the tenth century gets going the number of high ranking pilgrims becomes such that the picture clouds and in the eleventh century everyone and his wife was going or so it sometime seems but before that official contact was almost limited to these kings of the western seaboard rulers with at best a contested presence on the mediterranean coast and at worst none 3 odd no the aedicule inside the church of the holy sepulchre jerusalem containing the tomb that is said to be jesus s as it now is photo by jlascar https www flickr com photos jlascar 10350934835 cc by 2 0 https commons wikimedia org w index php curid 34030982 it s usually clear enough what these rulers got from their contact with the holy sepulchre that being the reinforcement of their position and status by the recognition of christ s own shrine and its custodians although that only had the value it did because so few other people put themselves in a position to claim it only charlemagne could be said to have provided anything very much for the patriarchs and the actual church of jerusalem however and they had to make some pretty big gestures to get even that that probably being a hostel for frankish pilgrims and a certain amount of support for refurbishment of the city s churches 4 alfred sent alms at least but it s not really clear what more they could give or what the patriarchs wanted from them apart from recognition themselves i suppose was this something they didn t get much of closer to home medieval image of the council of chalcedon 451 source unclear well it doesn t take long to think of reasons why that might be so from pretty much the year 451 the christian church of the empire was riven by disputes over the nature of christ s incarnation as man exactly how divine he remained and how far he took on human characteristics this sounds like a fine point for theologians only but consider if he was not really human but fully divine and therefore omnipotent and immortal the meaning of his sacrifice on the cross becomes hard to see whereas if he was entirely human then it was in some sense not really god who died for us robbing the sacrifice of much of its significance it gets right at the heart of christian belief if you let it 5 a middle way proved hard to find and for much of the middle ages jerusalem was not on the same path as the imperial capital at constantinople such was the case when the persians captured the city in 614 and when emperor heraclius returned the true cross to jerusalem in 630 he didn t let it stay there long for precisely that reason then within a few years the city fell to the armies of islam and was in some sense cut off from the empire its patriarchs still went to a few councils perhaps because no one dared tell justinian ii no but the emperors in constantinople were in some sense enemies of the lords of the land in a way that perhaps the westerners were not 6 but it s still surprising that we don t know of more contact across this boundary the empire was for a while shipping in money for its erstwhile citizens after all exterior of the church of the holy sepulchre photo by http www flickr com photos jlascar http www flickr com photos jlascar 10350972756 in set 72157636698118263 cc by 2 0 https commons wikimedia org w index php curid 30052661 again this changed in the eleventh century as the byzantines muscled back in to some kind of management of the christian places of the city which had indeed suffered considerably under caliph al hakim 996 1021 7 but before then can it really be that the franks looked like a safer better bet or was it perhaps a problem finding interested support any closer to home was jerusalem seen as enemy territory in some way or was it just that all the good relics were in constantinople already and fascination with the actual places was a more western phenomenon 8 i don t know the answers to these questions i probably know a man who does but for now it s...
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