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acre of leftists and labour movement activists in indonesia in 1965 1966 is an even more horrifying example where over half a million were slain and the rivers literally ran red with blood the apparatus of force is perhaps the hardest part of the state to penetrate and challenge in australia also the labor government of gough whitlam was effectively overthrown in 1975 in a constitutional coup of course bourgeois regimes don t mind wars and there is hypocrisy when it comes to the matter of violence violence might become inevitable in defence of a picket line for instance but the modern left has an interest in not escalating violence too far because it does not stand a chance against the violent power of the modern state if that state is hostile or more to the point against the state s apparatus of force perhaps the word apparatus suggests an instrumental outlook which is problematic but the armed forces can be isolated from any broader class struggle at the end of world war one though the establishment of workers armies was possible in a context where millions of workers were mobilised in the armed forces by a horrific war which had discredited the old regimes and the class struggle in australia is also problematic because class consciousness is now at an all time low following the demobilisation of the labour movement in the 1980s and thereafter the left has a substantial task in front of it so the modern struggle involves taking every opportunity to reform the state while engaging in cultural and social struggles as well as civil disobedience this means always pushing the boundaries but having the wisdom not to press them too far if there is a likely prospect of overwhelming repression again escalation beyond a certain point is not usually a wise option for the left a strong and mobilised civil society is also a defence against repression so achieving this is a high priority for both revolutionaries and reformers perhaps the best way is a mix of reformist and revolutionary outlooks that is seek qualitative change but be prepared to achieve this incrementally while at the same time taking advantage of watershed scenarios to achieve radical change more quickly all this involves mobilising civil society and reforming the state to contain the threat of repression this may also seem distanced from the reality of day to day politics but that current reality is one where progressive parties have limited power because of the threat of international capital strike and the left s marginalisation in civil society the left has also largely abandoned struggles or and ideologies of radical democratisation class liberation and other progressive causes in other words large parts of the modern left have either lost their reason for being became irrelevant or limited themselves to identity struggles while only contesting political economy at the margins again hypocrisy on issues like privatisation and timidity on issues like tax reform industrial relations reform and social wage expansion leave newer generations on the left demobilised disoriented and demoralised but if the left ever rediscovers itself all these issues discussed here will once again burn with immediate relevance posted by vaughann722 at 4 08 pm 0 comments labels allende austro marxism class struggle democracy gramsci labour movement demobilisation leninism marxism poulantzas reformism revolution rosa luxemburg schutzbund the state sunday october 24 2021 rejecting the cashless welfare card a good start labor needs deeper change on policy and culture as well dr tristan ewins it is now approaching a decade since andrew twiggy forrest was approached by then prime minister tony abbott to advise on the creation of a cashless welfare card while forrest intended for all income to be quarantined for use only in approved areas like groceries the indue card which has emerged in trials set a floor of 80 of income to be with held and available for approved purposes aimed largely at indigenous peoples and the welfare dependent more broadly the indue card follows after the failed basics card of 2007 which attempted something similar as part of a government intervention into indigenous communities in the northern territory the newer indue cashless welfare card applies to the welfare dependent more generally in the communities in which it is being trialled all those affected find themselves in the position of being restricted in what they can spend their money on including on food and second hand goods while a relatively small proportion are affected by gambling addiction or alcoholism the card is a source of humiliation and control over the welfare dependent more generally indue which includes conservative coalition party luminaries as shareholders stands to make a packet from the humiliation and micro management of the every day life of already disadvantaged australians instead of humiliating marginalised australians government ought instead be seeking to empower them perhaps including through the mechanism of a guaranteed minimum income gmi arguments against a gmi include the suggestion it may displace some existing pensions some of which are less threadbare than others but if a no disadvantage test were applied this need not be a problem mutual obligation provisions have always been worrisome as in practice they became a source of effective labour conscription this might also increase competition for jobs at the lower end of the labour market and in the process reduce the bargaining power of those workers a good alternative could be the establishment of a social bill of rights which would include rights to nutrition adequate and dignified shelter power comprehensive health care communications related empowerment eg internet access transport education and social inclusion a guaranteed minimum income could then be deployed alongside pensions and other programs intended to make this vision reality in the 18 th and 19 th centuries the unemployed were driven into poor houses where they were exploited humiliated and robbed of their dignity there is a long history of blaming the poor for their own disadvantage centuries later some of the same assumptions remain in play beneath the surface labor is arguing it will end the long conservative experiment with the cashless welfare card the coalition has so far not mustered the political courage or political capital to implement the program more broadly but as with workchoices the old agendas continue to fester behind the scenes the debate needs to be brought into the glare of public scrutiny and buried decisively labor s opposition to the indue card is welcome but labor needs a broader stronger vision including reform of welfare minimum wages and labour market regulation industrial rights and embedded social human rights its retreat on the tax debate has regrettably narrowed its options but a program for change could re emerge through a determined reform of the social wage and welfare state which branched in various directions including a universal aged care insurance scheme as well as improvement of pensions with rescission of punitive mechanisms and a bold commitment to build a million new public housing units as suggested by the greens labor really ought to be coming up with these kind of ideas on its own initiative there is a minimum standard of living which must apply to all citizens this idea of a floor beneath which none are allowed to fall is reminiscent of the more progressive variations of the third way which emerged in the 1990s but to mobilise as broad a base as possible and provide distributive justice for all a more robust social democratic or democratic socialist agenda than blairism is necessary it seems social democratic parties have been on the defensive and on the back foot for decades and indeed they have been for some the logic of retreat has been internalised we need to re establish a notion of what comprises progress that means fairer distribution industrial rights social rights and the re establishment of a robust mixed economy to help make this vision reality the indue cashless welfare card is the current conservative frontier where it attempts to reshape public common sense on the further rescission of the welfare state and the re establishment of a poor house mentality which gives the whip hand to employers through poverty compulsion and labour conscription labor needs to go back to first principles and work out the consequences of that which is that being a broad church labor needs to be united behind baseline social democratic and democratic socialist values and agendas containing inequality and ending poverty ought be non negotiable as should the proposal that this must be pursued through industrial rights labour market regulation a mixed economy progressive taxation system expanded social wages and welfare state provisions and intervention into the capitalist system ultimately to end exploitation but also to ameliorate the impact of its crises upon workers and the vulnerable in the meantime the cashless welfare card needs to be defeated and exposed for the punitive mentality it embodies but we need a progressive movement which is willing to go onto the front foot as well a movement which has an idea what progress entails and which rejects a logic of endless retreat ameliorated only by the ascendance of social liberal agendas as applied to gender sexuality and so on and in the context of the marginalisation of social conservatism and its replacement by an ideology of neo liberal cosmopolitanism a change of direction involves accepting class struggle as a progressive phenomenon an engine of social progress only when that logic becomes entrenched does progress become undeniable and while hawke s vision of reconciliation appealed to many bosses soon became tired of co determination with unions once they had extracted crucial concessions and once organised labour lost its bargaining position reformists and revolutionaries were once agreed on the progressive nature of class struggle within labor factions and others need also to combine behind such a shared notion bringing together labor members behind the idea of a progressive class struggle is crucial an idea that we are all broadly in the same fight reinforced by daily experience everywhere from party branches to unions and from student politics to the social movements there is a fight for the heart and soul of the alp and the heart and soul of australia there is no place for a punitive cashless welfare card in a progressive australia may solidarity in the name of renewed class struggle relegate it to history posted by vaughann722 at 11 05 am 0 comments labels andrew forrest anthony albanese bill of social rights cashless welfare card class struggle democratic socialism guaranteed minimum income indue card labor social democracy sunday april 18 2021 responding to cynical theories a critique of postmodern theory pluckrose helen and lindsay james cynical theories how universities made everything about race gender and identity and why this harms everybody swift press london 2020 dr tristan ewins cynical theories by helen pluckrose and james lindsay is a thorough critique of postmodernism as exemplified by foucault derrida and lyotard from the 1960s onward as well as the applied and reified in the authors words postmodernist intellectual movements which have followed this is a response that book the period of high postmodernity saw thinkers like foucault derrida and lyotard adopt an approach of irony and playfulness in response to capitalist domination the decline of communism as a perceived alternative and the hopelessness which followed the applied phase sought to apply postmodernism to concrete issues and in this sense saw a re emergence of some kind of hope on the left after the decline of communism meanwhile what the authors call the reified phase saw postmodern theory increasingly seen as representing the truth about society which cannot be questioned the original postmodernists were sometimes criticised for taking deconstruction too far or because they could afford to be playful and ironic being white middle class and male p 48 the objective reality of certain oppressed groups was to be accepted and not subjected to deconstruction reconstruction was seen as being as important as deconstruction not entirely a bad thing what has come to be described as standpoint theory has seen an abandonment of scientific truth and its replacement with group experience what some people call identity politics standpoint theory has it that people are defined by their social location in a landscape of privilege and oppression indeed science empirical knowledge and notions of progress are sometimes seen as part of the western enlightenment tradition and that is dismissed as an ideology of western domination as well as being oppressive of other ways of knowing for example mystical spiritual traditions paganism witchcraft in reality these traditions should also be open to criticism but the enlightenment saw a general scepticism about the spiritual and an unwillingness to engage though arguably if the enlightenment should be subjected to criticism so too should other ways of knowing science especially is seen as holding great prestige and that can be a cover for domination as in the past where racist colonialist discourses were legitimised falsely in its name certain racial sexual gender and other groups are seen as oppressed by dominant discourses and therefore are represented as authentic after foucault power is seen as operating in all discourses and social relationships sometimes rendered invisible or obscured by dominant ideologies many also accept derrida s critique of binaries such as sex male female which are maintained through language and believe those binaries need to be blurred disrupted or turned on their heads hence there has arisen notions of intersex and queer sexuality which are not heteronormative the authors object to the way in which this postmodern ideology is enforced while they identify applied postmodernism and reified postmodernism as being intolerant of debate ostensibly to prevent hostile discourse causing trauma to marginalised groups instead they promote liberal notions of free speech here ideas must be subjected to criticism if they are to develop and evolve marxists would argue that the dialectic must be enabled to do its work through open class struggle and they see dialectical logic at work in other social relationships as well suppression of debate is counter productive this reminds the reader of the stance taken by communist rosa luxemburg in supporting free speech in revolutionary russia just as the bolsheviks were consolidating their control for the authors the authoritarianism of postmodernism runs parallel to that of communism that many communists martov kautsky luxemburg opposed the suppression of the working class supposedly for its own goo...
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