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tre feddes even observes that occasionally one can note some sense of jealousy of bombed out cities like rotterdam which had much more flexibility in terms of modern traffic planning in some cities such as the hague canals were filled in to be converted into roads however such proposals roused opposition from those wanted to preserve the beauty of dutch towns and cities here was the first sign of resistance indirectly to the forward march of the car canal side parking amsterdam 1996 in the 1950s the city chief of police proposed filling in several city centre canals to convert into roads as well as new roads policy also discouraged cycling the repression suffered by the bicycle was visible everywhere says feddes in 1960 amsterdam city council ruled that the narrow leidsestraat had become too busy to allow unrestricted access to all types of traffic namely trams cars bicycles and pedestrians their conclusion was to ban bikes policy makers urban planners traffic engineers and futurologists announced that cycling as a form of transport was dead many forward thinking experts were secretly happy that the bike was on its way out because it was seen as part of the problem and not as a possible solution feddes quotes one view that a city with excellent public transport will not have to contend with such chaotic street situations i e the presence of bicycles on the streets dutch journalist ben kroon wrote in the 1960s that until recently the cyclist has had absolutely no status in either traffic or society in general the traffic act treats them like a bothersome fly the cyclist was still the pariah of urban traffic and in anticipation of its inevitable extinction we had to struggle for survival day in day out as yet however there was no organised resistance to the planned demise of the bicycle by the early 1970s a sort of stalemate had been reached urban campaigners saw off attempts to demolish city centres build flyovers or fill in canals they aimed to protect the city s heritage from rampant motorisation for the first time public opinion placed an unequivocal limit on the power of the car to dictate urban development that in itself did not automatically lead to a bicycle city but when traffic tensions escalated in the 1960s and 1970s the hidden benefits of the bicycle were rediscovered canal side parking amsterdam 199 0s yet the number of cars on the streets grew apace crowding the city streets requiring new wider roads to drive along and vast areas given over for parking and all the while exacting a tragic toll of lives lost and fragile flesh and bone crushed in collisions in 1965 amsterdam experienced 31 868 traffic accidents with 93 deaths and 5 655 injured numbers of victims of the motor vehicle rose relentlessly nationally in the netherlands there were 3 264 fatalities in 1972 457 of whom were younger than 15 years of age this was taken as something normal little fuss was made about the carnage but social changes were also taking place the city s social structure was altering with growing numbers of young adults moving to amsterdam to study to get a good job and to enjoy city life there is a saying in dutch rotterdam verdient het den haag beheerst het amsterdam viert het rotterdam earns it the hague governs it amsterdam parties on it the incomers moved into the cramped nineteenth century districts some of whose residents had cycled to work in the docks and factories but were now encouraged to migrate to newly developed and more spacious suburbs and then often had to drive to work but many chose not to move and continued to cycle in the city while others bought cars and clogged the streets the incomers had cycled as kids in the small towns and villages and brought their bicycle with them to the big city and found it to be the perfect way to move around the city at the same time social movements such as the provos in the mid 1960s and other activists in the 1970s began to agitate for a better quality of life in the city residents in crowded inner city districts began to agitate for play streets and to stop de kindermoord stop the child killing traffic calmed amsterdam school environment with two way cycle track over time cycle activism grew in extent and sophistication on 17 february 1970 twenty four cargo bikes squeezed their way through rush hour traffic in amsterdam police ordered the riders of these cargo bikes to leave because they were obstructing the traffic the cyclists refused claiming that we are commuting to work on our cargo bikes in march another action took place with 50 cargo bikes and a third was organised in april as feddes observes the logic annoyed motorists and authorities but it was hard to refute how can we be hindering traffic as we are traffic in may and june demonstrations took place with wrecked cars used to block streets the first call for a bicycle demonstration for a car free city was issued in may 1974 in 1976 a demo attracted 4 000 in 1977 it drew 9 000 and in 1978 a massive 15 000 activists also developed expertise in what was needed to make cycling a practical possibility in the age of the motor car as feddes observes before the car took over the street layout was simple and clear the car when it arrived occupied much of the space in the street and introduced stark differences in hardness speed and vulnerability the minimalist road design of old turned into a free for all where survival of he fittest was the only rule making the street suitable again for every road user required a thorough redesign this was no minor task the car had rapidly acquired a customary right to public space which was vigorously defended by both business people and the growing number of ordinary car owners in amsterdam the school run amsterdam style proposals were lodged with the city council to treat the bicycle as a full fledged alternative in public transport the transport brief in the city had traditionally been given to the pvda labour party and its appointees had favoured policies leading to the democratisation of the car and the building of suburbs requiring the use of the car but some planners officials and politicians began to question the wisdom of rampant pro car policies the key development came in 1978 when pvda aldermen were appointed to planning and transport posts who were committed to changing the priority given to the motor vehicle in the city with this change of political policy making the powerful public works department suddenly became a bastion of outdated expertise overtaken by new concepts and different forms of developing skills and knowledge the pvda began to embrace a pro social policy favouring the less powerful women the majority of cyclists children and the elderly according to the bicycle memorandum defending the interests of the bicycle was not for the sake of a minority it was for the common good however reaching the heart of power did not mean that cyclists had already won the battle they remained a vulnerable party in the conflict being fought out there nevertheless the defence of the bicycle had shifted from the radical margins to the political centre de lairessestraat at valeriusplein photo ken wynn so the key point is the convergence of these various social and political forces cycle activism who agitated for change and provided technical expertise te professionals lacked resident campaigns for safety and environmental improvement city preservation lobbying and modernisation of social policies in political parties there was obviously some joint participation by individuals in more than one of these social currents but they grew initially somewhat independently plans were developed for a comprehensive cycle network car traffic in residential neighbourhoods was to be limited by concentrating through traffic onto main roads tackling the parked car proved to be the best starting point however reducing car ownership was never really treated as an essential policy the motor lobby campaigned against promotion of cycle space under the slogan blij dat ik rij happy that i drive over the next few decades as more and more cycle friendly infrastructure was introduced cycling levels grew and from the mid 1990s car travel declined in 1986 91 the average number of bike trips in the city on a working day was 470 000 in 2000 that number had reached 600 000 and by 2015 it topped 710 000 plans for a comprehensive bicycle network for amsterdam 1983 the success of the bicycle network has now even begun to create its own problems as capacity of bike lanes proves to be inadequate new and often faster forms of vehicle such as the fast snorfiets a motorised form of bike moped and small cars were legally permitted to use bike lanes and the spatial dominance of the car was in many respects still in place in the 2010s of the 45 hectares of space available for transport in amsterdam 25 percent was devoted to bike lanes 4 percent to tramways 20 percent to motors on the move and a massive 60 percent to parked cars stadhouderskade photo ken wynn in another book het recht van de snelste the right of the fastest by t verkade and m te brömmelstroet it is noted that the space allocated to car parking in the whole of the netherlands is equivalent to the entire area of amsterdam 92 percent of that total national parking space is on publicly owned land mainly on street in amsterdam the market price of a parking place would be euros 3 600 but the actual cost of an annual city centre parking permit is euros 535 in rotterdam it is euros 69 the data was compiled by the economics writer of de correspondent j frederik who wrote we must make parking much more expensive it would be the solution to almost everything the book lays out how fast traffic still holds a tight grip on national policy making something that bike city amsterdam only hints at the absence of a strategy for reducing car ownership is perhaps the major weakness of dutch transport policy despite that nowadays the cycle networks of amsterdam and other cities such as utrecht are the envy of cycle activists and modern city planners all round the world as is evident from my twitter timeline with links to campaigners in europe africa the americas and asia even as we in the uk think about how we can strive to catch up with dutch ideas on cycling and the city the dutch themselves are looking ahead to where they should be heading even amsterdam faces challenges as outlined in the book among those challenges is an ageing population feddes says dutch cycle policy now needs to be aimed at making cycling more inclusive a bicycle city that manages to incorporate an ageing population may well be amsterdam s contribution to the global challenge of sustainable and equitable mobility this places specific demands on traffic control and road design and more generally on the calmness and clearness of traffic bicycle friendliness for children and for the elderly is the ultimate benchmark for the liveable and healthy city stadhouderskade photo ken wynn i recommend bike city amsterdam as an essential handbook for how bicycle policy can become effective it remains necessary to distinguish between specific dutch amsterdam factors and ones that have general applicability but there is much to learn here from a largely successful political policy making process in view of the urgent climate crisis amsterdam s success with cycling is a lesson we all need to learn i have drawn out only a fraction of what can be found in this richly packed and superbly translated book and bike city amsterdam is as good as starting point as you are likely to find for advocates of treating cycling as a fully legitimate form of urban transport buy it read it learn from it act upon it my thanks to ken wynn highfielder80 for permission to use his photos of the present day cycle network in amsterdam save bloomsbury and the taviplace cycle scheme 10 tuesday mar 2020 posted by paulgannonbike in uncategorized 1 comment thank you to savebloomsbury for taking time to lay out the reasons for your dislike of the taviplace cycle scheme to start i should declare an interest in the matter in that i was responsible in the late 1990s for coming up the idea for the taviplace cycle route and that on royal college street which introduced to inner and central london the use of segregated cycle tracks using two way cycle traffic physically separated from the motor traffic lanes the reason for introducing segregated cycle tracks is that cycling mixed with motor traffic because of the inherent speed differentials is unattractive to people in general and to women to older people and to younger people or their parents in particular those countries which have adopted widespread use of segregated cycle networks have much higher rates of cycling a balance of genders in the cycling profile more young people and more older people cycling of course to achieve this effect it is necessary to have extensive inter connected networks something that is only slowly being worked towards in london in particular and the uk in general i won t go into detail of the reasons why governments and local authorities want to increase cycling levels but in outline cycling ticks all the boxes of tackling congestion eliminating pollution in terms both of air quality particles and greenhouse gases reducing the strain on the nhs and social care budgets being cheap for the individual and for government bodies to implement and run flexible etc the need to address congestion pollution casualty numbers etc is being recognized on a global scale and all over government bodies are looking at bringing more balance into the public realm by lessening the traditional dominance of urban space by motor vehicles this is the context in which taviplace should be viewed however since it was introduced as i m sure you know the taviplace two way track has attracted increasing numbers of cyclists and it soon became clear that the initial implementation was under resourced this led to the trial of the present system with two one way cycle tracks and which camden council has confirmed will be made permanent it was and as far as i know still is the intention to re design the street layout to ensure that the new system radically improves the aesthetic look of the route the same location junction of tavistock place woburn place in 199 2019 i asked you to layout your reasons for saying in a tweet that nobody contests that the scheme has had benefits to cyclists what about everyone else more young and older people and more women are now beginning to cycle on the taviplace route i will tackle your points but in a different order from yours which begins by arguing that the traffic circulation layout means travelling by car is ridiculously convoluted this is to reflect the adoption of a new hierarchy of design ideas that reverses the 20th century view that placed the motor vehicle as the top priority of urban street design this new view puts vulnerable road users first and starts wit...
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