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val the draft declaration was put in order by sukarno after a heated argument between the leaders group centring on sukarno which included hatta and the youth group the first draft read the indonesian people hereby declare their independence the existing administrative organs must be seized by the people from the foreigners who now hold them in this text the greatest problem was the use of the term seized if the indonesians were to seize power from the japanese army by force this might exasperate the japanese and lead to a tragic collision between the two the surrender notwithstanding the japanese army still remained intact here again i will quote from daisan no shins we were not necessarily unable to understand what the youth were thinking nor the leaders however as the latter group admits the present japanese army now or at least immediately before the surrender promoted indonesian independence and approved it sukarno s group wanted to avoid a situation where the indonesians by issuing a declaration which would immediately cause a japanese reaction would compel the japanese army to play a role as effective agent to the allied forces as hatta correctly says revolution can only be achieved by force but indonesian power is still inadequate moreover the enemy the real enemy the indonesians have to face is not the japanese army which is deprived of its authority to exercise power but the dutch who are preparing to suppress the indonesian people again it is brave but not wise for the indonesians to fight the japanese army with such inadequate power the discussion continued for a long time finally the term seize in the text was replaced by transfer in the expression the transfer of power and so forth should be attempted in a careful manner and as quickly as possible the word attempted was changed to simply carried out this text was written by sukarno himself on paper brought from upstairs in maeda s residence and still exists one can clearly observe the corrections on the document thus the draft of the famous independence declaration was completed it read we the indonesian people hereby declare the independence of indonesia matters concerning the transfer of power and so forth should be carried out in a careful manner and as quickly as possible miyoshi was requested to convey to the army that the term power pemerintahan in the declaration meant administrative authority the transfer of administrative authority had already been pursued as a basic policy and should therefore not provoke any opposition from the army although it took only two or three hours to complete the draft i felt that never in my life had i concentrated my mental powers more intensely everybody there seemed to feel the same and to be exhausted by the great strain of the moment whether they were conscious of it at the time or not this exhaustion might have been responsible for compromises on both sides all of the participants did what they could which the youths also must have appreciated the final draft was typed out by sayuti melik at last the time had come for sukarno to read the text to the members of the committee who had been waiting in the next room i heard radjiman asking is this approved by the gunseikan i was irritated how stupid to say such a thing at this stage i could also hear voices asking who is going to sign and who is to read it according to subardjo sukarni again opposed the contents _ ___________________ footnote from previous page nishijima has compressed things here this phrase had been substituted at hatta s suggestion for the second sentence in the draft proposed by the youth group dr radjiman wediodiningrat 1879 1952 had been a stalwart of budi utomo since its foundation in 1908 he was one of the first indonesians to obtain a dutch medical degree amsterdam 1910 and thereafter became official doctor of the surakarta kraton palace as an elder statesman he was named chairman of the committee to investigate indonesian independence bpki in june 1945 and had travelled to saigon with sukarno and hatta in august to receive the promise of early independence the word used in the proclamation was in fact kekuasaan power not pemerintahan government __ of the draft on the grounds that it lacked revolutionary spirit and was too weak in the way it was expressed as sukarni s criticisms were supported by the youths arguments over the draft broke out again however the members of the committee overrode the opposition and decided in favour of the draft it was really an extraordinary declaration it is often said that sukarno and hatta represented the people but there are no signs of the two on the document such an independence document is probably rare anywhere in the world also we noticed only afterwards that the document was dated 17 8 05 i e 17 august 2605 the year 2605 was based on the japanese calendar system the fact that nobody myself included realized this may reflect the atmosphere of the meeting finally i should like to raise the question of whether there were any japanese present it is true that there were japanese including myself at the place where the draft was written and that we even expressed our opinions however we did not attend the actual reading of the declaration which was to the members of the committee hatta has recorded his denial of our involvement however hatta and the others who support his claim confuse the place where the draft was written with the place where independence was declared thus one act in the drama of independence had ended it had indeed been a critical task i myself was unable to indulge in the relaxed mood which would be normal after accomplishing such a difficult task but i did notice that the youth group the leaders group and the japanese looked relieved of tension having reached a mutual agreement through compromise i could not think of the future perhaps because i was too exhausted by the prolonged strain all those who had attended went their way with their own thoughts ___ neoliberalisasi kultur dan sejarah 07 saturday feb 2009 posted by _ in economic liberalization gunawan mohammad revolusi sejarah pulau jawa leave a comment kutipan tulisan dibawah berasal dari privatizing the state the ceri series in comparative politics and international studies by hibou tulisan ini menguraikan hubungan kompleks antara sejarah antropologi dan sosiologi indonesia terhadap budaya asal bapak senang kecendrungan korupsi dan neo liberalisasi di indonesia bagian2 terakhir sengaja dipotong untuk pemerhati indonesia beberapa analisa dibawah tidak jauh berbeda dengan kesimpulan ben anderson bahkan pramoedya asal bapak senang as long as it pleases the master the pastoral government idea and privatisation of the state in indonesia romain bertrand who knows maybe there is no state at all the government offices are closed official vehicles gravitate around the beach and the cinemas maybe what is taking place during twilight periods like now does not derive only from laziness and corruption but is equivalent to a display of a more elaborate form of civic privatism the state in fact is getting fatter with new functions it has penetrated in an unprecedented way into the heart of expanding areas of human life but this state looks less and less like a state because it is less and less the focal point of our loyalty and devotion goenawan mohamad twilight in jakarta 10 april 1982 maybe there is no state at all this disillusioned question deserves con sideration because in fact it expresses more than ordinary anguish over the inability of administrative institutions to respond to social expecta tions goenawan mohamad a leading figure in independent journalism in indonesia was not out to echo the laments of those who consider the absence of the state an unpardonable crime in exotic societies as ex plaining and prolonging situations of chaos and social disorder his pur pose was different and definitely more pertinent to pose the problems surrounding the links between state intrusions into private space on the one hand and private takeover of sovereign functions of the state on the other the recent history of indonesia that of the new order 1965 1998 but also of the reformasi which began after suharto s resignation in may 1998 gives food for thought on this correlation deleted intrusion of the state into private space the legacy of the colonial government the hypothesis that a pastoral idea of powers prevails in the organisation of authority relations in indonesia may cause surprise according to michel foucault pastoral power is a form of power that cannot be exercised with out knowing what is going on in people s heads without exploring their very souls coextensive with life and linked to production of truth the truth of the individual himself this form of power is derived from the christian technology of the flesh in other words it is linked to the prac tice of penitential confession which became standardised and regular in western europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the wake of the catholic counter reformation it is known that the church s idea of guardianship of conscience very quickly spread into the arguments justi fying the monarchical state robert muchembled has shown that in the absolute monarchy system the image of the sovereign was reinforced with the image of a father of a family and vice versa church and state together contributed to the definition and spread of a paternalist imaginaire of authority relations pastoral power a fruit of the simultaneous invention of the subject and the faithful in the west thus belonged to a particular historically and geographically located trend in the political sphere which cannot be identified with a general pattern of development of doctrines of kingship but how is it then that indonesia a stranger to feudalism as to christianity has experienced that form of power the colonial encounter may well have been one of the points of contact between christian traditions of pastoral government and the creation of ideological preferences among the indonesian political elite not through the church and the missions but through the state permeated by religious ideas and practices the origin of the authoritarian family state model however corresponds closely with an endogenous process it appears as the product of the reappropriation by the javanese administrative elite of a theme derived from the dutch colonial government s efforts to legitimise its domination at the end of the nineteenth century the netherlands east indies went through profound change linked with the transition from a regime of monopoly state capitalism to a free enterprise system dismantling of the state monopolies of production and marketing of horticultural surpluses began in 1862 this marked the end of the obligatory cultivation system cultuurstelsei that governor general van den bosch had instituted in the early 830s the vast tea coffee and sugar plantations of the interior of java and especially the mountainous estates of the preanger region and the oosthoek regencies were broken up amid competition among private entrepreneurs from then on the character of the indigenous labour force had to be adapted to this new style of production there was no longer any question of packing tens of thousands of koelies snatched from their native lands into insanitary hutments on the contrary mobility of energy and talent needed to be encouraged so as to improve the skills of the workforce and thus keep up with technical innovation so the state had to take more systematic and effective responsibility for questions of collective public health education and moral improvement of the indigenous population the primary aim of the colonial government became to quote michel foucault s les mots et les choses again care of the people that is methodical management of their energies and their movements it was in the course of this redeployment of administrative tasks that there emerged a concern by the state to know everything about the state of the indige nous people s minds an alert observer of life in the netherlands east indies the frenchman joseph chailley bert a publicist for the colonial movement in the third french republic noted at this moment the 1860s dutch resigned themselves to abandoning with the state cultivation their function as agents for cultivation but not their position as government officials they looked around them to find how to make themselves useful after their first use had disappeared it was at that moment that there began to arise in people s minds the outlines of a system of protection for the javanese especially the lowliest of them those who were commonly called the small people de kleine man but this new departure had unexpected conse quences for them the dutch became passionate about their work and let themselves be carried away beyond what they had foreseen it was certainly a different matter from managing cultivation for entering men s lives finding out about their needs and desires watching over their interests and securing respect for their rights the difficulty increased with the number dutch wanted to see everything know everything and do everything they substituted themselves for the native chief seeing him as suspect and for the native himself seeing him as incapable and they assumed the whole burden public affairs and even private affairs the result was what one might expect this huge task required extra staff swelled government departments imposed expenditure burdened the budget entering men s lives finding out about their needs and desires watch ing over their interests that was the colonial government s new plan after the privatisation of the plantation economy had deprived it of the mission which had been its justification for police intervention in society this structural change in the imperatives and methods of surveillance of the indigenous people called for a corresponding reformulation of the imperial project the old language of conquest indifferent to the productive aspects of indigenous life as to its cultural aspects was no longer sufficient to explain and legitimise the colonial order a civilising argument had to be added which meant taking care to listen to what the indigenous people were saying to urge them to speak note what they said and question them with a new sort of fervour and concern as chailley bert shrewdly observed the colonial state assumed the whole burden pu blic affairs and even private affairs it insinuated itself ever further forward into the daily workings of indigenous life multiple regulations interfering with the private lives of the colonial subjects with their ritual calendars their methods of cultivation even their sexuality led to a gradual blurring of the dividing line between the public domain and private interests the reformulation of the imperial project was based on two connected lines of thinking colonial anthropology and the missionary pastoral ap...
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