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description= Early medievalist s thoughts and ponderings, by Jonathan Jarrett;
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Text of the page (random words):
ater on the jews would be blamed for this sack so it s always salutary to come across a bit of the plentiful evidence that not only did they suffer as badly or worse as anyone else in the city that day but their community had much less recourse afterwards as well 7 that explains some of the land specifically a small but precisely measured and presumably quite fiddly bit of village housing where one jew mosse represented in the witness list by a christian who was conscious of him still remained as a neighbour but which was otherwise colonised by barcelona priests because the bishop also got some of those uninherited lands and eight modiatas of vines which is actually a decent bit of land probably about four hectares and that had been jewish owned before 985 which is interesting in itself 8 in fact one tiny sidetrack i wish i did have an image of this document to show you because mosse s involvement provoked a very unusual diplomatic resort the reverse of the document has four hebrew endorsements on it which turn out to be mosse firstly saying that he has indeed sold some of the land in question to bonhom which the latin please note does not say and then in the remaining three noting that he had walked out the bounds between this and his own property with bonhom so that they were mutually agreed mosse was obviously at a disadvantage here but he was recognised to have rights i wonder if he knew any of the people who had been on the land before 985 or if he himself was an heir that someone there did have who was able to inherit we will never unfortunately know but it is pretty cool to be able to see it since i can t show you a picture of the actual document here s at least my basis for what i m saying the relevant pages of the edition of the comital archive gaspar feliu josep marí salrach edd els pergamins de l arxiu comtal de barcelona de ramon borrell a ramon berenguer i estudi i edició diplomataris 18 20 barcelona 1999 3 vols vol i pp 319 321 no 46 showing pp 320 321 and p 321 is obviously where you want to be looking however the land was under development some of the rights transferred are over the precarialists who co planted and and built those vineyards which might mean that rights the jewish owners had held to receive back some of the properties now developed by others on their behalf which is what co planting or complantatio means usually half given back and half kept as payment for the work now fell to bonhom 9 it would be interesting to know if the developers were themselves jews or if this was actually jewish landlordship over christians or i suppose it s possible that in a rare fit of attention ramon borrell or his more careful father had actually put in clients after taking the lands over a confusing bit of latin follows which seems to read more or less as and of course i know about the charters that my father count borrell and bishop vives made for these lands and have them which given ramon borrell s repeatedly terrible control over his own archive i suspect is protesting too much but that might be the answer to the previous question 10 so a bit unsavoury on the part of the counts and bishop but hard to point at bonhom himself doing anything wrong here and countess ermessenda signed off on the rights she had over a given tenth of ramon borrell s property and the super scribe bonsom wrote the whole thing up with it must be said seven separate additions so it was obviously either a bad day for him or it was a confusing gathering and to be fair to bonhom he often tells us when he was having bad days so i favour the latter 11 even then it wasn t enough as someone else added that bishop vives was also present in the margin which i think bonhom would have felt was unfair as he didn t witness so why did it matter and the answer to that may well have been complicity because wait for it only two months later 8th may 1000 bonhom son of guisad was back at court and when i say at court i mean in court and he was in court before ermessenda and two of the judges present two months before and the countess was angry 12 bonhom super scribe wrote this one as well and really takes his latin up beyond where he could get it to express this so it s quite hard to follow but if i have it right the story was this here again is the relevant charter arxiu capitular de barcelona pergamin 1 2 138 obviously not to scale with the previous one but also linked through from the catcar site where it is cc7 1520 we already know that the sack of barcelona in 985 was bad for numerous jews it turns out it was also bad for bonhom s sister madrona who was captured in it and carried off to córdoba not only that when her man i don t want to say husband because the text doesn t and could have a man by whom she had a child ennegó died their daughter was sent off to córdoba to join her 13 and it is only clear that madrona returned so it s possible the daughter was actually used to ransom her mother presumably so that mum could come home and make better arrangements one thing is sure bonhom had not done much to bring this all about and we know this because the judges hearing this case for ermessenda bonhom super scribe guifré the osonan and oruç sometimes but not here called a greek had apparently compared notes and cottoned on to the fact that quite a lot of bonhom s property had previously been his sister s 14 they must have realised this quite recently given that two of them had been signing off on him buying ex jewish property just two months before i guess that tells us roughly when she came back in which case she had by then been a prisoner in the muslim capital for fifteen years and since she had been taken captive by sales and by exchanges and various tricky documents he bonhom transmuted and transformed all those things into his own domain desiring to make the aforesaid matrona a foreigner to them 15 but when she got back the judges worked this out and reported it to ermessenda it s interesting that choice did they choose her because they knew what the result would be or just because ramon borrell was up country giving someone a castle he d forgotten about i can t see him in any other documents around this date so it s possible he was off hunting or something either way this worked out badly for bonhom if he was resident on any of these properties he must have been quite surprised to find men suitable men no less by which i assume we mean large and unswayable there to sequester it on the viscount s orders for the countess 16 but this did not for some reason work out although they found very many things partly transmuted or usurped by the trickery of cunning and the custom of contrariety from then till now the previously listed inheritances had remained alienated from the right of the aforesaid madrona so that she was able neither to hit upon any any repetition from them thereafter nor to assume them again herself 17 this is hard to parse i take it to mean that she had been attempting from córdoba to raise ransom money from what she expected to be her property and found that it did not answer either then or when she came back to take it over in person i guess bonhom also had some suitable men which is why the viscount had to send in his own heavies anyway ermessenda wasn t having this and hauled him into court before her and her alone no count no bishop no backers no law is invoked bonhom was not made to confess his guilt or quit his claim it seems to have been too complicated to reverse his transactions or to disentangle what had been madrona s from what had been his i guess because as siblings they had maybe been joint inheritors from guisad but as a first step protimus bonhom was made to hand over five modiatas of vineyard in goma and some tiny bits of land in magòria not any of those mentioned in our other documents above as the bounds are different to his sister so that she had something from which to live it is diplomatically framed as a donation but around it the wording is punitive so that the men involved acknowledge bonhom s actions were wrong and it s viri not homines we really do mean the men and apparently the judges here and pro compescenda ad futura iurgia ac calumpnia for the discouragement of future quarrels or slanders 18 when ermessenda or bonhom the scribe gets to the sanction clause it is about three times as long as usual about how this transaction is effectively one of the countess s and may not be infringed in any way whatever by anyone ever it s hard not to see some gendered solidarity and the fury of a countess scorned here 19 now it is possible that there was more after this since this was only supposed to be protimus but if so we don t have it in fact i don t even know why we have these documents the first and third come from the cathedral archive of barcelona and the middle one from the comital archive but on a cursory check neither bonhom son of guisad nor madrona ever turn up in those archives again 20 if this land went to either cathedral or counts in the end it did so through later owners i can t identify but failing that link this seems to be where things were left even though bonhom scribe stressed that it was pro magna hereditate parva quamvis portione a somewhat paltry portion of a great inheritance 21 all who were in power agreed that bonhom had done wrong the document drips with words like unjustly fraudulently and so on but apparently it was beyond them to reverse it properly which may have been why ermessenda was so furious or why bonhom wrote her in such a way so in that sense bonhom did pretty well out of this he clearly ended up with more land than he had begun with and some of it was apparently his sister s i don t know if madrona s and ennegó s daughter ever got home perhaps her missing name is the one i would need to explain how these charters came to the archives but perhaps not however i think that archival silence is telling us that bonhom son of guisad did lose something important in his previous appearances he shows up dealing with the bishop and the count and at one remove the countess and this being endorsed by the principality s most experienced judges and then they all found out he was a crook and a better one than they could successfully punish as well and i think they dropped him like a stone so that he was no longer able to cut the kind of deals which got him into our record in the first place i think he went from being a slightly dodgy but important man to being a no mark because these were basically reasonable people who all agreed that failing to ransom your captive sister because you were too busy grabbing her property and hoping to make it permanent was not ok and now they didn t want to know him at least i hope so this is one argument from silence that i m happy emotionally that is to make 1 ignasi j baiges i jardí and pere puig i ustrell edd catalunya carolíngia volum vii el comtat de barcelona memòries de la secció històrico arqueològica 110 barcelona 2019 3 vols 2 we do of course through this evidence only see situations as someone was out to change them which is a problem for getting a stable view on that see gaspar feliu la pagesia catalana abans de la feudalització in anuario de estudios medievales vol 26 barcelona 1996 pp 19 41 doi 10 3989 aem 1996 v26 i1 686 but on what we can do with that anyway apart from you know this post see also cullen j chandler land and social networks in the carolingian spanish march in studies in medieval and renaissance history vol 6 tempe az 2009 pp 1 33 3 a start was made on this sort of work in pierre bonnassie une famille de la campagne barcelonaise et ses activités économiques aux alentours de l an mil in annales du midi vol 76 toulouse 1964 pp 261 303 doi 10 3406 anami 1964 4503 partly transl sylvia l thrupp as pierre bonnassie a family of the barcelona countryside and its economic activities around the year 1000 in thrupp ed early medieval society new york city ny 1967 pp 103 123 that gets where it does by conflating at least three people called vives however and i m not sure anyone else has tried it to that depth 4 baiges and jardí catalunya carolíngia vii doc no hereafter cc7 1240 on barcelona church arrangements see gaspar feliu la canònica de barcelona fins a la consagració de la catedral romànica in gerardo boto varela and marc sureda jubany edd la catedral romànica de barcelona protagonistes context urbà i edificacions monumentals girona 2021 pp 49 71 on bishop vives see feliu el bisbe vives de barcelona i el patrimoni de la catedral 974 995 in miquel coll i alentorn miscel lània d homenatge en el seu vuitanté aniversari barcelona 1984 pp 167 191 5 cc7 1240 per voce parentum meorum vel per mea comparatione et per omnesque voces that earlier work is jonathan jarrett a likely story purpose in narratives from charters of the early medieval pyrenees in simon barton and robert portass edd beyond the reconquista new directions in the history of medieval iberia 711 1085 in honour of simon barton the medieval and early modern iberian world 76 leiden 2020 pp 123 142 6 cc7 1510 and on mancuses see for long miquel crusafont anna m balaguer and philip grierson medieval european coinage with a catalogue of the coins in the fitzwilliam museum cambridge 6 the iberian peninsula cambridge 2013 pp 66 108 it s less than that but i can t check the exact section just now or for short jonathan jarrett currency change in pre millennial catalonia coinage counts and economics in numismatic chronicle vol 169 london 2009 pp 217 243 at pp 232 237 7 on the 985 sack the definitive starting point is gaspar feliu i montfort la presa de barcelona per almansor història i mitificació discurs de recepció de gaspar feliu i montfort com a membre numerari de la secció històrico arqueològica llegit el dia 12 de desembre de 2007 barcelona 2007 online here and if whatever you re using doesn t at least cite that it s missing stuff on barcelona s jewish community at this time meanwhile see david romano les juifs de catalogne aux alentours de l an mil in xavier barral i altet dominique iogna prat anscari manuel mundó josep m salrach michel zimmermann edd catalunya i frança meridional a l entorn de l any mil la catalogne et la france meridionale autour de l an mil barcelona 1991 pp 317 331 8 cc7 1510 sig num eldefred qui conscius sum de mosse 9 for complantatio and similar mechanisms see josep m salrach catalunya a la fi del primer mil lenni biblioteca de història de catalunya 4 lleida 2005 pp 86 91 esp 89 90 10 cc7 1510 ego scilicet et condam pater meus borrellus comes cui veniam sicut in suas kartas et de vuiane episcopo resonant quę evidenter conditas patent abeo in tuo nomine factas est manifestum had bonhom son of guisad come to him brandishing a bunch of grants that had never actually been carried out 11 on bonhom the scribe and judge see anscari m mundó el jutge bonsom in jesús alturo i perucho joan bellès josep m font rius yolanda garcía mundó edd liber iudicum p...
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