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1958 1964 a state of emergency was declared and repressive laws such as the 1958 sudan defence act were enacted to suppress dissent however no major overhaul of the intelligence apparatus occurred in this period the special branch remained largely intact and carried on domestic surveillance and counter subversion 2 military intelligence at this stage worked in tandem with police intelligence sharing responsibility for internal security 3 the regime relied on these organisations to monitor political opponents e g communists and trade unionists and manage unrest but the intelligence apparatus was not yet as pervasive or separate as it would later become 3 the october 1964 revolution ended abboud s rule and ushered in a brief period of civilian government during the democratic regime 1964 1969 the basic structure of internal intelligence remained unchanged the police s special branch continued its role and military intelligence focused on army matters and counterinsurgency a national security act was passed in 1967 to reform sudan s security services but it was never implemented thus throughout the 1960s sudan s internal intelligence functions were still handled by the police s special branch surveillance of political groups continued particularly as khartoum managed a resurgent civil war in the south but intelligence activity during the second democratic period was constrained by law and oversight compared to military regimes this situation set the stage for sweeping changes after the coup of 1969 2 democratic republic of sudan 1969 1985 edit colonel gaafar nimeiry s coup on 25 may 1969 fundamentally reorganised sudan s intelligence apparatus the new regime immediately expanded the military s role in internal security under the national revolutionary command council nrcc military intelligence was enlarged and directed to investigate and neutralise domestic opposition groups 4 following a communist backed coup attempt in 1971 the regime created distinct security organisations in late 1969 the national security organisation nso was formed out of the army s intelligence branch and the general security organisation gso was carved out of the police s intelligence 2 by 1973 the gso was removed from police control and placed under direct executive authority wielding broad powers of search arrest and detention this dual structure military nso and civilian gso gave nimeiry s government an extensive reach in internal surveillance and counter intelligence 2 in august 1978 nimeiry merged these bodies into the state security organisation sso 2 the sso was placed under major general omar muhammad al tayib a close confidant of nimeiry he was later vice president 5 and it grew into a vast apparatus with about 45 000 personnel rivaling the regular armed forces in size 4 the sso combined military intelligence resources with secret police functions and became the regime s principal tool of internal control it monitored and repressed political opponents through widespread surveillance arbitrary arrests disappearances and special security courts with draconian powers 2 the military intelligence under nimeiry took on a counter coup role after 1971 it focused on detecting threats within the armed forces even providing a dedicated 400 man presidential guard unit for nimeiry s protection 4 the sso s mandate extended across domestic security it coordinated intelligence from the army and police ran its own detention centers managed censorship and oversaw border security e g passport control 4 by the early 1980s the mere name state security evoked fear among sudanese as the sso had effectively become a secret police force enforcing nimeiry s one party state this apparatus was notorious for severe human rights abuses which included torture of detainees and harsh state security courts for political cases 2 nimeiry s security apparatus persisted until his overthrow on 6 april 1985 following the popular uprising that toppled nimeiry the sso was dissolved and its legal foundations the 1973 national security act and 1978 sso act were repealed the dismantling of the sso marked the end of an era in which military intelligence and state security were fused into an all powerful internal security organisation many of its operatives were purged or fled some files and records of the sso s activities came to light during the post nimeiry transitional justice efforts however the legacy of an intelligence apparatus deeply involved in domestic repression would influence all subsequent sudanese governments 2 second democracy 1985 1989 edit after nimeiry s fall sudan experienced a brief return to civilian rule under a transitional military council tmc followed by an elected coalition government led by prime minister sadiq al mahdi 1986 1989 in this period there was an attempt to reform and civilify the intelligence sector the state security laws of the prior regime were scrapped and initially the security services were comparatively restrained many intelligence functions reverted to the regular police and military in a more limited capacity with greater respect for civil liberties 2 however growing insecurity including the ongoing second sudanese civil war and coup plots led to a resurgence of the security apparatus in 1987 the government declared a state of emergency amid intensifying conflicts by 1988 the sadiq al mahdi government enacted a new state security act 1988 and formed new security forces under its provisions 2 this effectively resurrected an internal intelligence organisation though on a smaller scale than nimeiry s sso the new security entity operating under the prime minister s supervision was granted broad powers of arrest and detention to combat insurgencies and conspiracies reports from that time indicate that military intelligence and police special branch officers were again coordinating closely to monitor dissidents rebels and even islamist groups like hassan al turabi s national islamic front which was then in opposition 2 despite these measures the civilian government s control over the intelligence apparatus was weak factionalism and economic crisis plagued the regime on 30 june 1989 a group of army officers led by brigadier omar al bashir tacitly backed by the national islamic front seized power in a coup the coup succeeded in part because elements of the military intelligence and security forces either supported it or were neutralised the new junta would soon rebuild an even more formidable internal security system 2 republic of sudan 1985 2019 edit from 1989 onward sudan s military intelligence apparatus was reorganised and greatly expanded under president omar al bashir s islamist regime the junta called the revolutionary command council for national salvation rccns immediately imposed emergency rule and created a parallel islamist security organisation commonly known as islamic security or security of the revolution this organisation led by an nif cadre on the rccns was given a mandate to protect the revolution effectively acting as a secret police with authority above other law enforcement 4 it served as a watchdog over the regular armed forces and police guarding against internal plots and was infamous for indiscriminate arrests and torture in clandestine ghost houses 4 during the early 1990s government surveillance intensified dramatically civilians suspected of dissidence were harassed church services were monitored the press was censored and neighborhood popular committees even used control of ration cards to spy on households these years saw the rise of sudan s modern mukhabarat intelligence state 4 formally bashir s regime introduced new legislation to legitimise its security apparatus a national security act of 1990 established the post coup national security system 2 this was followed by the national security act of 1995 which granted extraordinarily broad powers to the intelligence agencies including preventive detention of suspects for up to six months without charge and near total immunity for security officers detainees had no right to judicial review or appeal under this lawredress org these acts laid the legal foundation for an intelligence organisation that was both powerful and shielded from accountability 2 seal of the former niss in practice this organisation evolved into the national intelligence and security service niss arabic جهاز الأمن والمخابرات الوطني السوداني romanized jihaaz al amn wal mukhaabaraat al watani though the name niss was commonly used later especially after the late 1990s sudan s mukhabarat in the 1990s already functioned as a unified internal and external intelligence service under direct presidential control 6 the niss was officially codified by the national security forces act of 1999 which not only ratified its existence but also perpetuated its exceptional powers and lack of oversight 6 7 a subsequent national security act in 2010 during an interim peace period retained these broad powers despite calls to curtail the agency s mandate by law niss officers had powers of arrest search seizure and could detain individuals for prolonged periods in the name of national security 8 9 throughout bashir s 30 year rule niss emerged as the most powerful arm of the regime eclipsing the military s own intelligence wing in domestic matters 10 niss effectively functioned as sudan s secret police tasked with silencing political opposition and rebellion it conducted widespread domestic surveillance censored media and ran a network of detention centers known for torturing regime opponents infamous ghost houses 10 the agency also kept close watch over government institutions and even other security organisations a deliberate strategy to prevent any single power center from challenging al bashir 10 military intelligence within the army continued to operate focusing on military affairs and internal army discipline but it was closely monitored by niss and largely subordinated in the realm of internal security al bashir fostered rivalry between the army s military intelligence niss and other forces as a coup proofing measure giving them overlapping responsibilities and separate lines of command 10 crucially the regime integrated various paramilitary and militia forces into the intelligence security nexus in the second sudanese civil war and later conflicts military intelligence and niss coordinated counterinsurgency operations often using proxy militias during the darfur conflict niss officers notably major general salah gosh who became niss director in 2004 were deeply involved in organising and directing the janjaweed militias and other counter insurgency campaigns 11 as international pressure grew over darfur genocide niss simultaneously positioned itself as a global intelligence player for instance gosh cultivated ties with the cia by sharing valuable intelligence on al qaeda and other islamists sudan had hosted osama bin laden in the 1990s and sudanese mukhabarat had amassed detailed files on his network 11 by the mid 2000s it is widely accepted that in addition to its domestic operations the niss ran operations and agents throughout the middle east north africa and western europe the secretive organisation s most well known operation was its massive intelligence network in iraq which it was able to build by recruiting foreign fighters passing through khartoum on their way to iraq citation needed domestically niss was regularised as a fighting force by 2008 with its officers granted military ranks and the agency taking formal command of multiple paramilitary units 10 at this time niss became the parent organisation of the newly created rapid support forces rsf a paramilitary force officially formed in 2013 out of the janjaweed militias 10 12 the rsf led by mohamed hamdan dagalo hemedti was deployed as an internal shock force in conflict zones darfur south kordofan blue nile and as a praetorian guard for al bashir 10 hemedti a close ally of al bashir was even nicknamed hemayti my protector by the president 10 during al bashir s era several figures became synonymous with sudan s intelligence establishment salah abdallah salah gosh stands out as niss director 2004 2009 and again 2018 2019 13 he was regarded as the regime s most feared enforcer 14 under gosh niss orchestrated crackdowns on civil society and engineered ruthless responses to protests such as using live ammunition on demonstrators in 2018 19 11 earlier nafie ali nafie was another key architect he headed internal security in the 1990s and was known for establishing the regime s notorious torture centers nafie later served as a top presidential advisor these men along with other niss and military intelligence chiefs used the tools of surveillance and coercion to keep bashir in power for decades by fragmenting the security sector army niss police and paramilitaries checking each other bashir ensured that the intelligence apparatus remained loyal to him personally 10 sudanese transition to democracy 2019 2021 edit on 11 april 2019 a massive civilian uprising and pressure from within the security forces led to omar al bashir s ouster it was bashir s own security chiefs including military and niss leaders who ultimately forced him to step down 10 15 including gosh who was replaced by lt gen abu bakr mustafa on 14 april 2019 16 17 after the coup sudan s new transitional military council tmc the de facto executive power in sudan moved swiftly to reorganise the intelligence apparatus responding to protesters demands to dismantle the deep state of the old regime 18 the tmc dissolved the niss and announced the formation of a rebranded agency the general intelligence service gis in july 2019 19 20 official reasons cited for the name rebranding included coping with the political change in the country and becoming more professional in protecting the country and safeguarding its national security against very complicated threats 21 the gis was essentially the successor to niss but with promises on paper of reform including a stated focus on information gathering rather than political repression the notorious operations division of niss which had been responsible for much of the heavy handed internal security operations was slated for disbandment niss personnel were given options to retire or to be absorbed into the regular army or the rsf 11 according to the washington post most of the former niss agents chose neither to remain in gis nor to accept the option to join alternative sudanese armed services and instead to accept a monetary package the initially proposed value of the severance pay was around us 2 500 and was later reduced to around us 250 19 on 14 january 2020 several of the former niss agents angry at the reduced value of the severance mutinied 20 19 15 government security forces regained control of the rebelling former niss employees within several hours hemetti of the sovereignty council attributed responsibility for the mutiny to former niss he...
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