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thought as a line this outline has been sucked dry and i cannot just pile more things on top of it in without first coming back and really reworking this thing as a whole so it makes sense yet there is still a lot i want to talk about on the subject or related to it so expect more post coming out on the question of anarchist strategy and program the practical considerations on building an effective anarchist program today part ii 31 saturday oct 2009 posted by theleftwinger in analysis anarchism 14 comments tags anarchist program class revolutionaries the state part i here note this is a work in progress many of these ideas have been stewing in my head and the heads of some comrades of mine for quite some time now but in writing them specially in a blog i tend to forget things or downplay others i ll probably revisit and re write this thing when it is all written the golden rule of good writing rewrite it much of these ideas are based out of huerta grande the work of antonio gramsci in his prison notebooks and several years of conversation with my good comrade adam at machete 408 plus others my thoughts on strategy i must admit owe much to the analysis of carl von clawsewitz s on war which i guess is not a very kosher confession for an anti militarist anarchist and still further some ideas of the organizational platform of the libertarian communists will make an appearance if there is a point with which you agree disagree or would like to see explained further please say so it would be very helpful ok here we go again strategical program of action based on the political analysis class warfare is nothing if not a war it is the act of force to compel our enemy to do our will the will is the political objective of the different parties who engage in the war the will of the bourgeoisie is the maintain its dominant class status our will is the elimination of class society and social hierarchy we are forced here to expand our idea of war to include the ideological groundwork for the actual event itself the iraq war was not started on march 20 2003 with the bombing of the al dora farms in fact the war had already started on february 5th when colin powell made his now infamous presentation to the un security council because the white house had already decide to go to war the class warfare between the bourgeoisie and the different exploited classes peasants proletariat the dispossessed or lumpen proletariat etc has been going on for at least two centuries sometimes as open physical warfare and sometimes as an ideological warfare antonio gramsci defined these two situations as a war of maneuver and a war of position yet the idea of war of position is too broad and vague to be of any practical use to us it can refer to any moment from the reactionary times we live in to the eve of the storming of the winter palace but these two situations have very little in common and we cannot fathom to use the same strategy in both cases to be more precise we must first decide if we are in the offensive or the defensive it is not a question of actions being offensive or defensive but if the overall movement of working people be it local national or transnational is winning new ground or trying to defend the ground already won the sentiment expressed by the we are winning tag in seattle reflects the first analysis while s t o r m based its strategy on the defensive mode of the people s movement the question of the movement being defensive or offensive is a crucial one and should be analyzed in depth by the organization seeking to create a program it is also important to understand that each situation carries a difference in outlook and a different set of problems offense if you assume an offensive view of popular movements the primary analysis should be to detect what are the defenses of the state and which weaknesses they present the defenses of the state may be physical arsenal police army etc or ideological the law deterrents like prisons or torture the media and the formation of public opinion more likely it can be a combination of all of them in different degrees after detecting the weaknesses of the defenses of the state we must proceed into using our analysis of our own power and that of allies willing to join and create an assault plan with the possible allocation of that power to the weak point of the state machinery i put this forward because i am trying to create a broad how to manual on creating a political program i have yet to be presented with any slightly convincing argument for this view and i find it quite dangerous to the overall health of popular movements defense defense is the strongest form of struggle this might conflate with some people s romanticizing the periods in which social movements were in the offensive such as the thirties and the sixties yet it is worthwhile to notice that decades after these movements were crushed by the state their legacy remains if a little eroded the reason for this is that once that ideological ground is won it is hard to be lost it has been chipped away perverted and attacked constantly but the ideas that racism and sexism are bad are still a big part of the general discourse clearly things are much different in practice and the idea of racism has been stripped of all its systemic value and made into a individualistic relationship but my point is that the need for racial equality wasn t part of the discourse of this country until very recently the aim of defense is preservation while the aim of offense is conquest a defensive outlook for social movements would aim first at defending the terrain won on previous struggles such as the great labor unrests from the thirties and the civil rights struggle from the sixties and seventies from a defensive perspective the lack of activity is a gain it is also important to say that while defense aims at preservation it cannot be its endgame defense aims at amassing ones forces to the point that one can then engage on a offensive and it is paramount to find the breaches that might open in the ideological battlefield against the ruling classes attack at those points and win them over and then hold them keeping all that in mind the defensive or war of position strategy should first analyze what are the areas attacked by the state that must be defended priorities should be assigned based on the organization s proximity and prior level of engagement with the struggle the prevalence of popular directive and organization against top down bureaucratic control ability of the ruling class of sustaining the attack and the ability of the people to defend against it the sphere of influence of the organization and the ability of it to affect change ok again i didn t get to all i wanted to say next i ll talk about tracing goals and methods of achieving goals also will take about the particular difficulties that anarchist organizations face when creating a program legacy of struggle re examining the survival programs of the black panther party and the lessons to be taken for present day revolutionists 25 friday sep 2009 posted by theleftwinger in analysis 2 comments tags anarchist program capitalism class revolutionaries the black panther party survival programs instilled terror in the u s national ruling class all the way to the head at the time johnson and nixon and the fierce hand of j edgar hoover while many in the left like to sensationalize the armed and bellicose aspect of the black panthers it is really telling that their survival programs ranked so high in the threat scale in the minds of the ruling elite the black panthers survival programs started from the premise that in order to be able to wage a struggle people should first be able to live as my comrade ian martin puts it the bpp s ten point program was indeed a simple statement of desired reforms to strive towards but again the situation of african americans then and now was extreme with extraordinary levels of violence police brutality infant mortality poor health and poverty common as the black panthers conceived it the ten point program was a program for survival to keep the community alive long enough to form some kind of revolutionary movement perhaps some may scoff at demands such as affordable housing that is not squalid crowded decaying and in horrible condition or not having to be at the whim of capricious uncaring and greedy landlords but to the poor these things are essential it is difficult for any human being to pay attention to and fight against relatively nebulous concepts like militarism and the state when they are forced to fight concretely for the very necessities of life everyday ian martin from reforms to revolution a strategy of building a long lasting movement able to wage a protracted struggle against the state must encompass both a element of destruction as well as an element of construction not only must we bring out the contradictions of capitalism to the forefront we must also show that those contradictions and problems that capitalism cannot resolve are not unavoidable but can be resolved through collective means and an non capitalist framework institutions are based on needs real or perceived institutions like the state police and the free market are perverted creations that satisfy needs like the organization of things safety and delivery of goods and services our argument should not be that those things are not important or that capitalism does not address those issues but that they can be addressed better under a different system in a more equitable manner so all will have those things without sacrificing our freedoms and forgoing a fulfilling life that we cannot have pursue of happiness under capitalism constructive and destructive our program must be both not in some future communist society but presenting an inkling of what this future might look like and building today the capacity for self organization and self defense of the working classes the bpp s survival programs had a two pronged aim to deliver where the state and capitalism was lacking and as a extremely successful propaganda tool the first aim we must put in the forefront the second aim is a consequence these acts must be however built on the premise of collective action not on revolutionary charity people must be engaged not just on receiving the services but also in delivering it as anarchists we must built on people the idea for self sufficiency and expose the waste of capitalism and the superfluousness of the state apparatus what does that mean programs like copwatch and food not bombs are not revolutionary or reformists in nature neither is a strike a riot or a a march who is engage in it and the proccess in which they are engaged is what makes an act revolutionary or reformist what we must be for then is the expansion of the creative capacity of those inside the movement to create a space for reflection and analytical development for those that in general do not have such space or that are led to believe that they do not have such capacity we must be destructive towards the outside constructive towards the inside it is not the victory in and of itself that matters although that is also very important but that the participants have ownership of such victories it has been fashionable for a while for example to praise seiu as a paragon of defending workers because they engaged in highly successful organizing drives they were giving the union movement something it had lacked for a long time victories yet many never looked at how those victories were achieved and the price that the labor movement payed for those victories to be achieved the seiu model of corporate unionism spread like a wildfire in the minds of many progressive elements of the union movement if now the monster is being unmasked to many it has to do a lot more with stern s own statements and power grabbing than with a clear analysis of the situation i ll be visiting this subject again later this text is long enough for now but the situation of working people in the u s is dire much more now due to the crisis much like when the bpp create its survival programs the need for programs that address the open spaces left by the state is ever present while we must be in the defensive stage of the revolutionary struggle any ground left open must be taken and held on to to have a future the union movement must look at the past part 1 20 monday apr 2009 posted by theleftwinger in labor 2 comments tags capitalism class in the news liberal union maybe i m suffering from machete408 envy so this text is on the long side bear with me splits re joinings trusteeships and grand standing roselli vs stern stern vs demoro sweeney vs stern wilhelm vs raynor each one of them claiming to be the one and only salvation to the labor movement more and more the union movement seems to be trapped on a web of compromise and disinterest if in one hand the union movent is on the downturn the labor movement seems to be on a slight upswing the coalition of imokalee workers the great american boycott in 2006 the colibri workers and the sit in at republic windows are just examples of what is brewing in the labor movement across the country all the while the union movement is concentrated and bogged down in the employee free choice act i m not going to go into efca my friend adam has an alternative view posted on his blog about efca but what is the prospect of a rejuvenation of the union movement more importantly what can be done so the union movement can rejoin the labor movement for answer we must look at what the labor movement is the labor movement is a social institution it is a force that is part of people s lives and is part of the discourse of people s lives it addresses people s needs in a way that requires them to get involved a church is a social institution because it is part of the lives of the parishioners even outside of the church it requires participation and guides the politics and ideas of its members the labor movement as a social institution is the same it is an institution of migrant workers women workers queer workers waged and unwaged workers union and non union workers for migrant workers women workers queer workers waged and unwaged workers union and non union workers the union movement started as part of this labor movement at times it was the most militant and impressive part of that labor movement in those moments the union movement was also about more that winning wages and contracts it was ebbed on peoples lives it fought for reforms that would benefit not just the members of a union or federation but the whole working class the eight hour day in the united states the spanish civil war solidarity in poland cut and the metal workers fight against the dictatorship in brazil cosa tu in south africa bill fletcher s book solidarity divided starts with an anecdote about a meeting between leaders of cosatu and seiu when an seiu delegate remarked...
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