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ents professional section of the middle class public sector employees teachers lawyers etc and some segments of the local entrepreneurial class after an initial phase of mass mobilisations in response to police repression the student union organisations affiliated to various political parties became the transmission belts between movement and political class in early 1974 various student organisations formed the bihar student struggle committee bcss of its 24 student members 20 belonged to upper castes while in terms of political affiliations one third were in the right wing abvp affiliated to jkan sangh a hindu nationalist predecessor of the bjp four were in the socialist sys two in the gandhian tarun shanti sena two in the congress o and one in another student group only seven were not attached to any party or group at this time most bihari students were from families of white collar employees businessmen and landholders there were only isolated instances of women participating in the movement and these tended to be at lower levels including attending to office work when looking at the political composition of the bihar movement we have to keep the bigger global picture of the time in mind within india the cold war situation played its role with the us block supporting opposition movements as a counterbalance to the congress and cpi power given their pluralistic political composition of the official student movement on one side and the general mistrust towards the official party system on the other it was no wonder that the student leadership approached jp naryan to take over a leading position he had the credibility of a freedom fighter against colonial rule he had refused official political positions he had broken with the communist movement and his gandhian ideology of peaceful and constructive resistance made it possible that he became the personal symbol of a movement which itself was not sure what its unifying elements and goals were apart from being against the current government and the aspiration of a certain formal equality as citizens but he was not only an honest politician he also had strong enough ties to the economic powers e g by having served as secretary to the industrial magnate g d birla more due to the lower middle class composition of the movement and less due to the peaceful preaching of its leaders the actual practice of the movement changed from violent outbursts raiding and looting of black market warehouses etc towards a more and more symbolic activity e g silent marches and for more and more limited political goals e g the dissolution of the bihar assembly there was a gandhian aspect of the movement which remains to be explored e g the call for independent political and economical committees on village and neighbourhood level educational organisations for the rural poor proposing the usage of labour intensive artisan tools and agricultural methods other suggested actions were non payment of taxes keeping a check on corruption and bribery in government offices on blackmarketing and hoarding and on irregularities in ration shops distributing essential commodities at fair prices picketing of liquor shops protecting the land and homestead rights of scheduled castes and ensuring their equal treatment protecting sharecroppers rights distributing bhoodan voluntary land distribution and government land preventing crime and keeping the peace flood relief vaccination and hygiene campaigns encouragement to renounce dowry giving and the wearing of the sacred thread by high caste hindus verification of electoral rolls and voter education these were partly attempts of the movement to socialise itself once urban protests ran out of steam they were based on an assumption that the village was still a potentially self sufficient entity of small scale agricultural producers and artisans the impact of these attempts remained marginal mass actions of rural labourers were not encouraged for example as part of the rural campaign it was decided to form janata sarkars bodies of people s rule a kind of parallel government in 150 blocks administrative district out of the 587 blocks in bihar however by the end of march 1975 only 18 blocks were declared to have formed janata sarkars in chandi block of biharsharif district the landed class had formed in january 1974 a kisan sangh farmers organisation to protect their landed interests also against the rural proletarian unrest the governing board of the kisan sangh converted itself into a janata sarkar so the gandhian efforts remained at best marginal later on many students saw the attempts to recruit them into these gandhian organisations as a conscious effort to steer away from the political confrontation with the state efforts to create links between the movement and the wider working class were discouraged by the leadership e g the leadership of the bcss sabotaged a call for a solidarity strike with the india wide railway workers strike in april 1974 an historic chance of a general popular urban anger coming together with the structural power of a specific and potentially leading segment of the working class the india wide railway workers strike in may 1974 the strike involved 1 7 million workers mainly demanding higher wages and shorter working hours the strike call was given for the 8th of april 1974 indira gandhi responded to this call by declaring the strike illegal under the provisions of the defence of india rules inherited from the colonial days strike activists were arrested under the maintenance of internal security act the strike lasted from 8th of may till 27th of may during this period over 50 000 workers were sent to jail and 15 000 lost their jobs this repression was clearly a precursor of the repression of the state of emergency a year later but the repression itself cannot explain why the strike remained isolated and ended without success the official trade union leaders like fernandes who was also a supporter of the socialist party and therefore of the bihar movement were aware of the fact that the strike could spark off an incalculable wave of discontent which would have gone beyond the agitations in bihar and gujarat so they contained the strike as much as they could without losing the strike leader position fernandes was later on rewarded with a union minister for industries post in the janata party government one week into the strike on 15th of may the non congress union federations went through the motions of calling a token one day general strike in support of the railway strikers but in the absence of any serious preparation it was poorly supported outside bombay and calcutta the cp led trade unions which took part in the railway workers strike predictably tried to curb the strike so that it would not endanger the congress government another precursor of the cp s support of the declaration of state of emergency later on two days after the beginning of the strike cpi spokesmen announced that it should not and will not last long if we return to the relation between the leaders of the bihar movement and workers struggles like the railway workers strike we can see that their motivation to limit the connections between popular movement and workers struggle might partly have been party political given the active hostility between the communist party of india cpi and the political organisations of the bihar movement the cpi sided with the congress government and displayed the bihar movement as a fascist and cia led conspiracy it would be superficial to say that this political position of the cpi was based on purely politically tactical moves or a wrong understanding of fascism as the politics of the cpi trade union aituc towards any offensive working class struggles during and after the emergency demonstrated see examples from faridabad in turn the decision of the bcss leadership not to call for a strike in solidarity with the railway workers can only partly be explained by the fact that the cpi had substantial influence amongst the railway workers it was also not in their political interest to boost major working class movements the bihar wide strike in october 1974 the characteristics of the bihar wide strike called for by jp narayan on the 3rd to 5th of october 1974 also revealed the composition of the movement he appealed to students government employees businessmen and workers to support the strike the chamber of commerce supported the call but organised workers such as the all india telegraph engineering employees union railway workers union the bihar state committee of all india trade union congress etc opposed the bandh closing of shops and offices public life all over the state except in some industrial towns of south bihar remained paralysed on all three days but it is worth noting that the examinees of ba bsc etc at different examination centres turned up as planned and factories also kept working the political tactics of the leadership cannot explain why the wider industrial or rural working class did not take part in the bihar movement collectively meaning as collective producers on strike during the early period from march to may the urban poor people were sympathetic to the movement because they felt that students were fighting for their cause there were instances of rickshaw pullers not accepting the fare from students and instead asking the passenger malik chavel ek rupaya ser milega na master will rice be available at one rupee a kilogram but later as issues like corruption and dissolution of the assembly came to the fore they grew cool because they saw the movement was not meant to solve the problems of the poor here the division between popular movement and working class struggle is not a specific characteristics of india in the 1970s we see as similar asynchronous relation between waves of workers struggles and popular revolts in argentina 2001 2 or recently during the uprising in turkey 2013 the working class in india in the mid 1970s was not docile at all as proven by various rural labour revolts and the massive railway workers strike in april 1974 and later on by the emergence of violent strikes and struggles after the state of emergency in 1977 but at large it seems a feature of the period shortly after a crisis blow that workers rather risk their physical health in protest battles in the streets than their job meaning that we rather see popular unrest with individual workers participation than political strikes the chronology of the movement may 1973 the social unrest permeated the repressive organs of the state itself during the lucknow mutiny members of the para military provincial armed constabulary rebelled against their inadequate pay and miserable service conditions by joining the ranks of student protesters they were meant to repress apart from this mutiny the year 1973 74 saw a series of high profile industrial conflicts a 33 day strike in the jute industry a 42 day strike by bombay s textile workers a 3 month strike by junior doctors and 3 week lockouts of workers from life insurance corporation and indian airlines corporation among others the gujarat movement 1974 3rd of january 1974 students of the l d college of engineering in ahmedabad went on strike in protest against 20 per cent hike in student canteen prices clashes with the police 7th of january 1974 call for indefinite strike in all educational institutes ration shops government shops for subsidised food supply in ahmedabad attacked by students and working class protesters 10th of january 1974 two days strike mainly a call for shutting down businesses crippled bigger towns students and lawyers formed the nav nirman committee as a representative body they call for the resignation of the state chief minister 25th of january 1974 a state wide strike was called and results in clashes in 33 towns the government imposed for a curfew in 44 towns but the movement spread further 28th of january 1974 the army was called to restore peace in ahmedabad 9th of february 1974 the state chief minister patel resigns the governor suspended the assembly and imposed president s rule over gujarat nav nirman called for new election which was finally held in june 1975 shortly before the declaration of the state of emergency during january 1974 in gujarat 100 people were killed by state forces 1 000 to 3 000 were injured and 8 000 arrested the bihar movement 21st of january 1974 the cpi called for a bihar wide strike against inflation 16th of february 1974 students in patna staged demonstrations demanding reduction of prices for university text books and cinema tickets they also formed flying squads to check the distribution of essential goods raids on black market warehouses etc 18th of february 1974 formation of the bcss bihar students struggle committee 13th of march 1974 students set fire to the bihar university building demanding the postponement of exams given that due to mismanagement courses had not been completed 14th of march 1974 the government ordered the closure of the university in response students raided and occupied the buildings 16th of march 1974 on a demonstration called for by the bcss against inflation and unemployment three demonstrators were killed by the police 18th of march 1974 groups of students assembled near the state parliament in order to prevent a meeting the police attacked and killed five protesters people responded with riots government buildings were set on fire so was the residence of former education minister ramanand singh posh hotels and warehouses were looted railway wagons with food stuff were opened two media buildings were torched 19th of march 1974 riots took place in ranchi dhanbad chhapra saharsa and half a dozen other bigger towns railway stations post offices courts state dispensaries and other government buildings were the main targets of attack ten people were killed by the police jp narayan accepted a request of the bcss to take over the leadership of the movement 20th of march 1974 a curfew was imposed on eleven towns the army was called out at several places and ordered to shoot at sight about 22 persons died in police firings and several hundred were arrested student organisations called for a bihar wide strike jp narayan issued a public letter asking the bihar government led by abdul ghafoor to resign 22nd of march 1974 jp narayan urged the student organisations to reconsider the strike call fearing that violence would hit back at them 23rd of march 1974 the strike took place in patna the police tried to suppress it which was answered by riots 25 people were killed by the state force 8th of april 1974 jp narayan s first major action was to lead a silent march through patna with participants wearing material over their mouths saffron coloured scarves hindu colour and with their hands tied behind their backs to demonstrate their non violence at a rally following the march jp announced the commencement of a five week peo...
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