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ould be normal after accomplishing such a difficult task but i did notice that the youth group the leaders group and the japanese looked relieved of tension having reached a mutual agreement through compromise i could not think of the future perhaps because i was too exhausted by the prolonged strain all those who had attended went their way with their own thoughts ___ neoliberalisasi kultur dan sejarah 07 saturday feb 2009 posted by _ in economic liberalization gunawan mohammad revolusi sejarah pulau jawa leave a comment kutipan tulisan dibawah berasal dari privatizing the state the ceri series in comparative politics and international studies by hibou tulisan ini menguraikan hubungan kompleks antara sejarah antropologi dan sosiologi indonesia terhadap budaya asal bapak senang kecendrungan korupsi dan neo liberalisasi di indonesia bagian2 terakhir sengaja dipotong untuk pemerhati indonesia beberapa analisa dibawah tidak jauh berbeda dengan kesimpulan ben anderson bahkan pramoedya asal bapak senang as long as it pleases the master the pastoral government idea and privatisation of the state in indonesia romain bertrand who knows maybe there is no state at all the government offices are closed official vehicles gravitate around the beach and the cinemas maybe what is taking place during twilight periods like now does not derive only from laziness and corruption but is equivalent to a display of a more elaborate form of civic privatism the state in fact is getting fatter with new functions it has penetrated in an unprecedented way into the heart of expanding areas of human life but this state looks less and less like a state because it is less and less the focal point of our loyalty and devotion goenawan mohamad twilight in jakarta 10 april 1982 maybe there is no state at all this disillusioned question deserves con sideration because in fact it expresses more than ordinary anguish over the inability of administrative institutions to respond to social expecta tions goenawan mohamad a leading figure in independent journalism in indonesia was not out to echo the laments of those who consider the absence of the state an unpardonable crime in exotic societies as ex plaining and prolonging situations of chaos and social disorder his pur pose was different and definitely more pertinent to pose the problems surrounding the links between state intrusions into private space on the one hand and private takeover of sovereign functions of the state on the other the recent history of indonesia that of the new order 1965 1998 but also of the reformasi which began after suharto s resignation in may 1998 gives food for thought on this correlation deleted intrusion of the state into private space the legacy of the colonial government the hypothesis that a pastoral idea of powers prevails in the organisation of authority relations in indonesia may cause surprise according to michel foucault pastoral power is a form of power that cannot be exercised with out knowing what is going on in people s heads without exploring their very souls coextensive with life and linked to production of truth the truth of the individual himself this form of power is derived from the christian technology of the flesh in other words it is linked to the prac tice of penitential confession which became standardised and regular in western europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the wake of the catholic counter reformation it is known that the church s idea of guardianship of conscience very quickly spread into the arguments justi fying the monarchical state robert muchembled has shown that in the absolute monarchy system the image of the sovereign was reinforced with the image of a father of a family and vice versa church and state together contributed to the definition and spread of a paternalist imaginaire of authority relations pastoral power a fruit of the simultaneous invention of the subject and the faithful in the west thus belonged to a particular historically and geographically located trend in the political sphere which cannot be identified with a general pattern of development of doctrines of kingship but how is it then that indonesia a stranger to feudalism as to christianity has experienced that form of power the colonial encounter may well have been one of the points of contact between christian traditions of pastoral government and the creation of ideological preferences among the indonesian political elite not through the church and the missions but through the state permeated by religious ideas and practices the origin of the authoritarian family state model however corresponds closely with an endogenous process it appears as the product of the reappropriation by the javanese administrative elite of a theme derived from the dutch colonial government s efforts to legitimise its domination at the end of the nineteenth century the netherlands east indies went through profound change linked with the transition from a regime of monopoly state capitalism to a free enterprise system dismantling of the state monopolies of production and marketing of horticultural surpluses began in 1862 this marked the end of the obligatory cultivation system cultuurstelsei that governor general van den bosch had instituted in the early 830s the vast tea coffee and sugar plantations of the interior of java and especially the mountainous estates of the preanger region and the oosthoek regencies were broken up amid competition among private entrepreneurs from then on the character of the indigenous labour force had to be adapted to this new style of production there was no longer any question of packing tens of thousands of koelies snatched from their native lands into insanitary hutments on the contrary mobility of energy and talent needed to be encouraged so as to improve the skills of the workforce and thus keep up with technical innovation so the state had to take more systematic and effective responsibility for questions of collective public health education and moral improvement of the indigenous population the primary aim of the colonial government became to quote michel foucault s les mots et les choses again care of the people that is methodical management of their energies and their movements it was in the course of this redeployment of administrative tasks that there emerged a concern by the state to know everything about the state of the indige nous people s minds an alert observer of life in the netherlands east indies the frenchman joseph chailley bert a publicist for the colonial movement in the third french republic noted at this moment the 1860s dutch resigned themselves to abandoning with the state cultivation their function as agents for cultivation but not their position as government officials they looked around them to find how to make themselves useful after their first use had disappeared it was at that moment that there began to arise in people s minds the outlines of a system of protection for the javanese especially the lowliest of them those who were commonly called the small people de kleine man but this new departure had unexpected conse quences for them the dutch became passionate about their work and let themselves be carried away beyond what they had foreseen it was certainly a different matter from managing cultivation for entering men s lives finding out about their needs and desires watching over their interests and securing respect for their rights the difficulty increased with the number dutch wanted to see everything know everything and do everything they substituted themselves for the native chief seeing him as suspect and for the native himself seeing him as incapable and they assumed the whole burden public affairs and even private affairs the result was what one might expect this huge task required extra staff swelled government departments imposed expenditure burdened the budget entering men s lives finding out about their needs and desires watch ing over their interests that was the colonial government s new plan after the privatisation of the plantation economy had deprived it of the mission which had been its justification for police intervention in society this structural change in the imperatives and methods of surveillance of the indigenous people called for a corresponding reformulation of the imperial project the old language of conquest indifferent to the productive aspects of indigenous life as to its cultural aspects was no longer sufficient to explain and legitimise the colonial order a civilising argument had to be added which meant taking care to listen to what the indigenous people were saying to urge them to speak note what they said and question them with a new sort of fervour and concern as chailley bert shrewdly observed the colonial state assumed the whole burden pu blic affairs and even private affairs it insinuated itself ever further forward into the daily workings of indigenous life multiple regulations interfering with the private lives of the colonial subjects with their ritual calendars their methods of cultivation even their sexuality led to a gradual blurring of the dividing line between the public domain and private interests the reformulation of the imperial project was based on two connected lines of thinking colonial anthropology and the missionary pastoral approach it is important to describe these briefly because it was within them that the arguments still used by the indonesian state power today to maintain a system of domination conducive to predation of public re sources were developed colonial anthropology was one of the many in vestigative procedures through which the colonial state at the end of the nineteenth century sought with an obsession never equalled before to penetrate to the innermost depths of the native mystery for the dutch orientalists at the beginning of the twentieth century fully integrated into colonial decision making circles anthropology had to be turned into a therapeutic means of acculturation if the mentality of the natives needed to be better known said the director of the anthropology section of the royal colonial institute in amsterdam j c van eerde it was to minimise the perverse effects of their entry into the modern capitalist order better to know them so as better to assess their potential for attaining the norms and rules of western civilisation better to decipher the movements of their consciousness and culture to stifle their inclinations towards resistance as quickly as possible better to translate their thinking and decode their myths to be able to conform better to their own criteria of legitimacy that according to van eerde was the ultimate aim of orientalist knowledge thus anthropology had to become a pedagogy of the natives if it hoped to contribute to the success of the colonisation enterprise if pedagogy is a policy for children we may call colonial policy pedagogy for the natives its aim is to adapt to their civilisation what is useful and desirable for them in our civilisation in the tropics we can envy the native his dark skin but to put a fur coat over his shoulders to assuage this resentment would be to lead him to his downfall similarly he would not endure the superfluous burden of the european s intellectual baggage so it is up to anthropology to indicate what the native s psy chological state makes it possible for him to endure does the scientific and well balanced way of thinking that western europe has acquired after so many centu ries really fit the mystic sphere of thought of the east does the inflammatory slo gan of freedom not lead to license in a society that has hardly emerged from despotism are egoism and presumptuousness not levers used for undermining native society the family the tribe the village and the region with all the mutual aid systems attached to them to take account of the general lack of spontaneity in the human mind a long period of incubation is needed to get a new civilisation accepted it would however be highly unjust to believe that the sole aim of all the anthropological writing of the years from 1900 to 1930 was to serve the brutal advances of the colonial power quite the contrary the corporatist concern to preserve one s subject of study primitive cultures often led anthropology to denounce the modernising aims of the imperial state thus it opposed the too rapid opening up of a territory or became indig nant about the outlawing of customary practices but what needs to be remembered about the premises of anthropological research is its obsession with uncovering the mystery of the natives its persistent effort to make the intimate knowledge of the colonised people a shadowy zone of government even if it often condemned the intrusion of the colonial state into ever extended domains of the indigenous people s private lives anthropological study instilled in the heart of the imperial project a desire to know a frenzy for uncovering which profoundly influenced the way that state codified and tried to exercise its power in that sense this type of knowledge served as a wellspring of the state s documentation pro gramme and hence as backing for a pastoral form of government by making the indigenous person an object of questioning something unsta ted and calling for comment colonial anthropology also made him an area for state intervention by that very process it encouraged the tendency of the state power first colonial and then independent to establish thousands of disciplinary provisions aiming to bring the individual to confession thus colonial anthropology formed part of the origin of pastoral power that is the mode of government which forces the individual not only to obey but also to admit before institutions playing a perpetual game of truth his love and obedience so it is no accident that in the history of the missionary pastor and the amateur anthropologist the preach thhe scholar wre so often one and the same person behind the will for knowledge immanent in the aim of controlling souls there was invariably a desire for confessions confessing was a sign of the congruence of the imperial aims and the missionary enterprise just as true conversion had value only through expiatory confession of the pagan faults that preceded it genuine inclusion in the order of colonial subjection required repudiation of para sitical loyalties the colonial state even though it sometimes strengthened the guardianship role of clans and lineages so as to make better use of them excluded in principle any object of loyalty apart from itself in the modem colonial history of indonesia this congruence of language and practice between colonialism and the missions reached its paroxysm when after fiercely disputed general elections a christian government coalition acceded to power in the netherlands this coalition adopted the aim of giving the dutch the religious exaltation of the middle class which were then engaged in a cyc...
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