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and that in itself will signal the regime has changed 78 citing reports from certain intelligence sources bush stated on 6 march 2003 that he believed that saddam was not complying with un resolution 1441 79 weapons of mass destruction edit the main allegations were that saddam possessed or was attempting to produce wmds which he had used in places such as halabja 80 81 possessed and made efforts to acquire particularly considering two previous attacks on baghdad nuclear weapons production facilities by both iran and israel which were alleged to have postponed weapons development progress and further that he had ties to terrorists specifically al qaeda colin powell holding a model vial of anthrax during his presentation to the un security council on 5 february 2003 english wikisource has original text related to this article colin powell s february 5 2003 address to the united nations security council the bush administration s overall rationale for the invasion of iraq was presented in detail by powell to the unsc in summary he stated we know that saddam hussein is determined to keep his weapons of mass destruction he s determined to make more given saddam hussein s history of aggression given what we know of his terrorist associations and given his determination to exact revenge on those who oppose him should we take the risk that he will not some day use these weapons at a time and the place and in the manner of his choosing at a time when the world is in a much weaker position to respond the united states will not and cannot run that risk to the american people leaving saddam hussein in possession of weapons of mass destruction for a few more months or years is not an option not in a post september 11 world 82 in september 2002 blair stated that regime change in iraq would be a wonderful thing that is not the purpose of our action our purpose is to disarm iraq of weapons of mass destruction 83 in november of that year blair further stated that so far as our objective it is disarmament not regime change that is our objective now i happen to believe the regime of saddam is a very brutal and repressive regime i think it does enormous damage to the iraqi people so i have got no doubt saddam is very bad for iraq but on the other hand i have got no doubt either that the purpose of our challenge from the united nations is the disarmament of weapons of mass destruction it is not regime change 84 on 31 january 2003 bush again reiterated that the single trigger for the invasion would be iraq s failure to disarm saddam hussein must understand that if he does not disarm for the sake of peace we along with others will go disarm saddam hussein 85 as late as 25 february it was still the official line that the only cause of invasion would be a failure to disarm as blair made clear in a statement to the house of commons i detest his regime but even now he can save it by complying with the un s demand even now we are prepared to go the extra step to achieve disarmament peacefully 86 in september 2002 the bush administration said attempts by iraq to acquire thousands of high strength aluminum tubes pointed to a clandestine program to make enriched uranium for nuclear bombs powell referred to the tubes in his unsc presentation a report released by the institute for science and international security in 2002 however reported that it was highly unlikely that the tubes could be used to enrich uranium powell later admitted that his presentation had inaccuracies based on sourcing that was wrong and in some cases deliberately misleading 87 88 89 the bush administration asserted that the saddam government had sought to purchase yellowcake uranium from niger 90 on 7 march 2003 the u s submitted intelligence documents as evidence to the international atomic energy agency these documents were dismissed by the iaea as forgeries with the concurrence in that judgment of outside experts at the time an american official stated that the evidence was submitted to the iaea without knowledge of its provenance and characterized any mistakes as more likely due to incompetence not malice since the invasion the u s government statements concerning iraqi weapons programs and links to al qaeda have been discredited 91 though chemical weapons were found in iraq during the occupation period 92 while the debate of whether iraq intended to develop chemical biological and nuclear weapons in the future remains open no wmds have been found in iraq since the invasion despite comprehensive inspections lasting more than 18 months 93 in cairo on 24 february 2001 powell had predicted as much saying saddam has not developed any significant capability with respect to weapons of mass destruction he is unable to project conventional power against his neighbours 94 connection to terrorists edit another justification included the alleged connection between saddam s and that of terrorist organizations such as al qaeda while it never made an explicit connection between iraq and 9 11 the bush administration repeatedly insinuated a link thereby creating a false impression for the u s public grand jury testimony from al qaeda s 1993 world trade center bombing trials cited numerous direct connections between the bombers to hussein s government the iraqi national congress alleged that saddam had been collaborating with al qaeda since 1992 via the iraqi intelligence service iis 48 for example the washington post has noted that while not explicitly declaring iraqi culpability in 9 11 administration officials did at various times imply a link in late 2001 cheney said it was pretty well confirmed that attack mastermind mohamed atta had met with a senior iraqi intelligence official later cheney called iraq the geographic base of the terrorists who had us under assault now for many years but most especially on 9 11 95 steven kull director of the program on international policy attitudes pipa observed in march 2003 that the administration has succeeded in creating a sense that there is some connection between 9 11 and saddam this was after a new york times cbs poll showed that 45 of americans believed saddam was personally involved in the attacks the christian science monitor observed at the time while s ources knowledgeable about u s intelligence say there is no evidence that saddam played a role in 9 11 nor that he has been or is currently aiding al qaeda the white house appears to be encouraging this false impression as it seeks to maintain american support for a possible war against iraq and demonstrate seriousness of purpose to saddam s regime the csm went on to report that while polling data collected right after 9 11 showed that only 3 mentioned iraq or saddam attitudes had been transformed by january 2003 with a knight ridder poll showing that 44 of americans believed most or some of the 9 11 hijackers were iraqi citizens 96 the bbc writes that while bush never directly accused the former iraqi leader of having a hand in 9 11 he repeatedly associated the two in keynote addresses delivered since 9 11 adding that senior members of his administration have similarly conflated the two for instance powell in february 2003 stated that we ve learned that iraq has trained al qaeda members in bomb making and poisons and deadly gases and we know that after september 11 saddam hussein s regime gleefully celebrated the terrorist attacks on america the bbc noted the results of a recent poll which suggested that 70 of americans believe saddam was personally involved in 9 11 97 in september 2003 the boston globe reported that cheney anxious to defend the white house foreign policy amid ongoing violence in iraq stunned intelligence analysts and even members of his own administration this week by failing to dismiss a widely discredited claim that saddam hussein might have played a role in 9 11 98 in 2004 u s presidential candidate john kerry alleged that cheney was continuing to intentionally mislead the american public by linking between saddam and 9 11 in an attempt to make the invasion of iraq part of the global war on terror 99 since the invasion assertions of operational links between iraq and al qaeda have largely been discredited by the intelligence community and powell himself later admitted he had no proof of it 91 iraqi drones edit in october 2002 a few days before the u s senate vote on the authorization for use of military force against iraq resolution about 75 senators were told in closed session that iraq had the means of delivering biological and chemical wmds by unmanned aerial vehicle uav drones that could be launched from ships off the u s east coast to attack cities on the coast powell suggested in his 2003 un presentation that uavs were transported out of iraq and could be launched against the u s in actuality iraq had no offensive uav fleet or any capability of putting uavs on ships 100 iraq s uav fleet consisted of less than a handful of outdated czech training drones 101 at the time there was a large dispute within the intelligence community whether the cia s conclusions about the uav fleet were accurate the u s air force denied outright that iraq had any offensive uav capabilities 102 human rights edit additional justifications used at various times included iraqi violation of un resolutions the iraqi government s repression of its citizens and iraqi violations of the 1991 ceasefire 26 as evidence supporting american and british claims about iraqi wmds and links to terrorism weakened some supporters of the invasion have increasingly shifted their justification to the human rights violations of the saddam government 103 leading human rights groups such as human rights watch have argued however that they believe human rights concerns were never a central justification for the invasion nor do they believe that military intervention was justifiable on humanitarian grounds most significantly because the killing in iraq at the time was not of the exceptional nature that would justify such intervention 104 legality of invasion edit main article legality of the iraq war see also legitimacy of the 2003 invasion of iraq views on the 2003 invasion of iraq and opposition to the iraq war bush next to leaders of the house and senate on 2 october 2002 announcing the authorization for use of military force against iraq resolution u s domestic law edit the authorization for use of military force against iraq resolution of 2002 was passed by congress with republicans voting 98 in favor in the senate and 97 in favor in the house democrats supported the joint resolution 58 and 39 in the senate and house respectively 105 106 the resolution asserted the authorization by the u s constitution and congress for bush to fight anti american terrorism citing the iraq liberation act the resolution reiterated that it should be the policy of the u s to depose saddam s government and promote a democratic replacement the resolution supported and encouraged diplomatic efforts by bush to strictly enforce through the un security council all relevant security council resolutions regarding iraq and obtain prompt and decisive action by the security council to ensure that iraq abandons its strategy of delay evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies with all relevant security council resolutions regarding iraq it authorized bush to use the u s armed forces as he determines to be necessary and appropriate to defend american national security against the continuing threat posed by iraq international law edit the legality of the invasion of iraq under international law has been challenged since its inception on a number of fronts and several prominent supporters of the invasion in all the invading states have publicly and privately cast doubt on its legality it has been argued by the u s and uk that the invasion was fully legal because authorization was implied by the unsc 107 international legal experts including the international commission of jurists a group of 31 leading canadian law professors and the u s based lawyers committee on nuclear policy have denounced this rationale 108 109 110 on 20 november 2003 the guardian alleged that richard perle a senior member of the administration s defense policy board advisory committee conceded that the invasion was illegal but still justified 111 112 the unsc passed nearly 60 resolutions on iraq and kuwait since iraq s invasion of kuwait the most relevant to this issue is 1990 s resolution 678 authorizing member states co operating with the government of kuwait to use all necessary means to 1 implement unsc resolution 660 and other resolutions calling for the end of iraq s occupation of kuwait and withdrawal of iraqi forces from kuwaiti territory and 2 restore international peace and security in the area resolution 678 has not been rescinded or nullified by succeeding resolutions and iraq was not alleged after 1991 to invade kuwait or to threaten to do so resolution 1441 was most prominent during the run up to the war and formed the main backdrop for powell s unsc address 113 according to an independent commission created the netherlands resolution 1441 cannot reasonably be interpreted as authorising individual member states to use military force to compel iraq to comply with the security council s resolutions citation needed accordingly the dutch commission concluded that the 2003 invasion violated international law 114 bush addresses the american public on 19 march 2003 announcing the beginning of operation iraqi freedom at the same time u s officials advanced a parallel legal argument using the earlier resolutions which authorized force in response to iraq s 1990 invasion of kuwait under this reasoning by failing to disarm and submit to weapons inspections iraq was in violation of unsc resolutions 660 and 678 and the u s could legally compel iraq s compliance through military means critics and proponents of the legal rationale based on the un resolutions argue that the legal right to determine how to enforce its resolutions lies with the unsc alone not with individual nations and therefore the invasion of iraq was not legal under international law and in direct violation of article 2 4 of the un charter in 2006 luis moreno ocampo the lead prosecutor for the international criminal court reported that he had received 240 separate communications regarding the legality of the war many of which concerned british participation in the invasion 115 in a letter addressed to the complainants moreno ocampo explained that he could only consider issues related to conduct during the war and not to its underlying legality as a possible crime of aggression because no provision had yet been adopted which defines the crime and sets out the conditions under which the court may exercise jurisdiction with respect to it in 2007 moreno ocampo encouraged iraq to sign up with the court so that it could bring cases related to alleged war crimes 116 in 2007 u s congressman ...