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rian army 61 200 total paper 375 000 1 160 000 1 091 150 1 255 000 1 770 000 total actual 375 000 998 500 less than 1 091 150 1 255 000 1 070 000 1 220 000 350 000 fielded 1 086 000 the figure does not distinguish between the two armies the japanese imperial general staff estimated that they would face no more than 350 000 effective chinese soldiers this corresponds well with the estimate of the board of war from 1898 which states that the total of the provincial militia defense army yong ying disciplined army modernised green standard and new style forces organised after the war was approximately 360 000 76 du boulay confirms this with the total army strength of the army in zhili shandong and manchuria amounting to 357 100 zhili shandong and manchuria and 1 000 000 total trained men in the empire 74 deployments of qing forces 74 location bannermen green standard trained troops total zhili 143 270 34 370 66 980 244 620 shandong 2 510 17 390 18 400 38 300 liaoning 16 050 22 300 38 360 heilongjiang 8 080 8 040 16 120 jilin 10 400 9 300 19 700 subtotal 180 310 51 760 125 030 357 100 rest of china 145 290 305 390 283 800 734 480 grand total 325 600 357 150 408 820 1 091 580 due to various factors such as the limited transport capacity the absence of any railway in the combat zone provincial infighting and a general lack of capacity for accommodating soldiers only a small portion of the army that could be fielded was actually deployed even forces that were mobilised including the strong hunan forces of liu kunyi were not able to arrive in time to make a meaningful difference this meant that the fighting primarily fell on the forces already in zhili shandong and manchuria this was a similar situation as what occurred in the opium wars as the much larger chinese army found itself outnumbered in those conflicts as it did this one 76 chinese forces were also far behind the japanese in terms of support services there was a complete absence of engineers quartermasters transportation signal and medical troops hired labour coolies often performed transportation duties and rudimentary engineering tasks supply was organised by the province where the soldiers were fighting and left to civilian officials assigned as quartermasters and a few doctors were attached to the army at the rear this lack of adequate supply organisation led to some units receiving the wrong ammunition for their rifles on the presumption they possessed rifles 76 the basic tactical unit of the chinese army was the battalion ying composed on paper of 500 men though in reality actual strength was 350 for the infantry and 250 for the cavalry up to a dozen of these ying would form an independent corps and only at a corps level did chinese units receive artillery 55 although the chinese had established arsenals to produce firearms and a large number of them had been imported from abroad 40 per cent of chinese troops at the outbreak of the war were not issued with rifles or even muskets 78 instead they were armed with a variety of swords spears pikes halberds and bows and arrows 78 against well trained well armed and disciplined japanese troops they would have little chance those units that did have firearms were equipped with a heterogeneity of weapons from a variety of modern rifles to old fashioned muskets this lack of standardisation led to a major problem with the proper supply of ammunition 79 chinese troops were often not drilled in how to use their guns with training conducted with spears due to the officer corps resistance to modern training practices training with guns was performed only at a distance of 50 ft instead of the longer ranges which were more common in combat there was also a lack of discipline within the army as troops would routinely flee before during or after combat as occurred in the battle of pyongyang chinese artillerymen likewise did not receive adequate training in operating their artillery pieces 80 the imperial chinese army in 1894 was a heterogeneous mixture of modernised partly modernised and almost medieval units which no commander could have led successfully resulting in poor leadership among chinese officers 81 chinese officers did not know how to handle their troops and the older higher ranking officers still believed that they could fight a war as they had during the taiping rebellion of 1850 1864 82 this was also the result of the chinese military forces being divided into largely independent regional commands the soldiers were drawn from diverse provinces that had no affinity with each other 83 chinese troops also suffered from poor morale largely because many of the troops had not been paid for a long time 82 the low prestige of soldiers in chinese society also hindered morale and the use of opium and other narcotics was rife throughout the army 82 low morale and poor leadership seriously reduced the effectiveness of chinese troops and contributed to defeats such as the abandonment of the very well fortified and defensible weihaiwei additionally military logistics were lacking as the construction of railroads in manchuria had been discouraged 71 the huai army troops also sometimes referred to as the beiyang army 84 although they were a small minority in the overall imperial chinese army were to take part in the majority of the fighting during the war 71 they were organised in 51 battalions and were estimated to number from 25 000 84 to 45 000 72 the huai army units that faced the japanese in korea did have a significant amount of modern weaponry including mauser breech loading rifles that were comparable to the murata rifles of the japanese and krupp artillery pieces 85 after their defeat in korea the qing deployed additional forces to defend northeast china including partially reformed green standard troops that were poorly equipped 86 beiyang fleet edit main article beiyang fleet dingyuan the flagship of the beiyang fleet zhenyuan the beiyang fleet was one of the four modernised chinese navies in the late qing dynasty the navies were heavily sponsored by li hongzhang the viceroy of zhili who had also created the huai army the beiyang fleet was the dominant navy in east asia before the first sino japanese war the japanese themselves were apprehensive about facing the chinese fleet especially the two german built battleships dingyuan and zhenyuan to which the japanese had no comparable counterparts 62 however china s advantages were more apparent than real as most of the chinese warships were over age and obsolescent 62 the ships were also not maintained properly and indiscipline was common among their crews 87 the greater armour of major chinese warships and the greater weight of broadside they could fire were more than offset by the number of quick firing guns on most first line japanese warships which gave the japanese the edge in any sustained exchange of salvos 62 the worst feature of both chinese battleships was actually their main armament each was armed with short barreled guns in twin barbettes mounted in echelon which could fire only in restricted arcs the short barrels of the chinese main armament meant that the shells had a low muzzle velocity and poor penetration and their accuracy was also poor at long ranges 88 tactically chinese naval vessels entered the war with only the crudest set of instructions ships that were assigned to designated pairs were to keep together and all ships were to fight end on as far forward from the beam as possible a tactic dictated by the obsolescent arrangement of guns aboard chinese warships 88 the only vague resemblance of a fleet tactic was that all ships were to follow the visible movements of the flagship an arrangement made necessary because the signal book used by the chinese was written in english a language with which few officers in the beiyang fleet had any familiarity 88 when it was first developed by empress dowager cixi in 1888 the beiyang fleet was said to be the strongest navy in east asia before her adopted son the guangxu emperor took over the throne in 1889 cixi wrote out explicit orders that the navy should continue to develop and expand gradually 89 however after cixi went into retirement all naval and military development came to a drastic halt japan s victories over china has often been falsely rumoured to be the fault of cixi 90 many believed that cixi was the cause of the navy s defeat because cixi embezzled funds from the navy to build the summer palace in beijing however extensive research by chinese historians revealed that cixi was not the cause of the chinese navy s decline in actuality china s defeat was caused by the guangxu emperor s lack of interest in developing and maintaining the military 89 his close adviser grand tutor weng tonghe advised guangxu to cut all funding to the navy and army because he did not see japan as a true threat and there were several natural disasters during the early 1890s which the emperor thought to be more pressing to expend funds on 89 the total strength of the entire imperial chinese navy was 91 2 battleships 1 coastal battleship often labelled as an armoured cruiser 5 unprotected cruisers 5 protected cruisers 1 auxiliary cruiser 7 small cruisers 4 torpedo gunboats 34 gunboats 28 small gunboats 30 torpedo boats 9 armed transports contemporaneous wars waged by the qing edit while the qing was fighting the first sino japanese war it was also simultaneously engaging rebels in the dungan revolt in northwestern china where thousands lost their lives the generals dong fuxiang ma anliang and ma haiyan were initially summoned by the qing government to bring the hui troops under their command to participate in the first sino japanese war but they were eventually sent to suppress the dungan revolt instead early stages edit operations of the first sino japanese war and the subsequent yiwei war 1 june 1894 the donghak rebel army moves toward seoul the korean government requests help from the qing government to suppress the revolt 6 june 1894 about 2 465 chinese soldiers are transported to korea to suppress the donghak rebellion japan asserts that it was not notified and thus china has violated the convention of tientsin which requires that china and japan must notify each other before intervening in korea china asserts that japan was notified and approved of chinese intervention 8 june 1894 first of about 4 000 japanese soldiers and 500 marines land at chemulpo 11 june 1894 ceasefire during the donghak rebellion 13 june 1894 the japanese government telegraphs the commander of the japanese forces in korea ōtori keisuke to remain in korea for as long as possible despite the end of the rebellion 16 june 1894 japanese foreign minister mutsu munemitsu meets with wang fengzao the qing ambassador to japan to discuss the future status of korea wang states that the qing government intends to pull out of korea after the rebellion has been suppressed and expects japan to do the same however china retains a resident to look after chinese primacy in korea 22 june 1894 additional japanese troops arrive in korea japanese prime minister itō hirobumi tells matsukata masayoshi that since the qing empire appear to be making military preparations there is probably no policy but to go to war mutsu tells ōtori to press the korean government on the japanese demands 26 june 1894 ōtori presents a set of reform proposals to the korean king gojong gojong s government rejects the proposals and instead insists on troop withdrawals 7 july 1894 failure of mediation between china and japan arranged by the british ambassador to china 19 july 1894 establishment of the japanese combined fleet consisting of almost all vessels in the imperial japanese navy mutsu cables ōtori to take any necessary steps to compel the korean government to carry out a reform program 23 july 1894 japanese troops occupy seoul capture gojong and establish a new pro japanese government which terminates all sino korean treaties and grants the imperial japanese army the right to expel the qing empire s beiyang army from korea 25 july 1894 first battle of the war the battle of pungdo hoto oki kaisen events during the war edit opening troop movements edit by july 1894 chinese forces in korea numbered 3 000 3 500 and they were outnumbered by japanese troops they could only be supplied by sea through asan bay the japanese objective was first to blockade the chinese at asan and then encircle them with their land forces japan s initial strategy was to gain command of the sea which was critical to its operations in korea 92 command of the sea would allow japan to transport troops to the mainland the army s fifth division would land at chemulpo on the western coast of korea both to engage and push chinese forces north west up the peninsula and to draw the beiyang fleet into the yellow sea where it would be engaged in decisive battle depending on the outcome of this engagement japan would make one of three choices if the combined fleet were to win decisively the larger part of the japanese army would undertake immediate landings on the coast between shan hai kuan and tientsin to defeat the chinese army and bring the war to a swift conclusion if the engagement were to be a draw and neither side gained control of the sea the army would concentrate on the occupation of korea lastly if the combined fleet was defeated and consequently lost command of the sea the bulk of the army would remain in japan and prepare to repel a chinese invasion while the fifth division in korea would be ordered to hang on and fight a rearguard action 93 sinking of the kowshing edit depiction of the sinking of the kowshing and the rescue of some of its crew by the french gunboat le lion from the french periodical le petit journal 1894 main article battle of pungdo on 25 july 1894 the cruisers yoshino naniwa and akitsushima of the japanese flying squadron which had been patrolling off asan bay encountered the chinese cruiser jiyuan and gunboat kwang yi 93 these vessels had steamed out of asan to meet the transport kowshing escorted by the chinese gunboat tsao kiang after an hour long engagement the jiyuan escaped while the kwang yi grounded on rocks where its powder magazine exploded the kowshing was a 2 134 ton british merchant vessel owned by the indochina steam navigation company of london commanded by captain t r galsworthy and crewed by 64 men the ship was chartered by the qing government to ferry troops to korea and was on her way to reinforce asan with 1 100 troops plus supplies and equipment a german artillery officer major von hanneken advisor to the chinese was also aboard the ship was due to arrive on 25 july the japanese cruiser naniwa under captain tōgō heihachirō intercepted the kowshing and captured its escort the japanese then ordered the kowshing to follow naniwa and directed that europeans be transferred to naniwa however the 1 100 chinese on board desperate to return to taku threatened to kill the english ...