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r a new platform had come from otto bauer who was also one of the main participants in its development he presented it to the party membership in a fiery speech at the sdap s 1926 convention in linz from which the program took its name 21 the program contained features from marxism and the ideology of class conflict and it provided the theoretical basis for political confrontation with the christian social party and the paramilitary heimwehr which at the time were becoming increasingly clerical fascist it criticized the fact that the bourgeoisie through economic power and tradition still held sway over social institutions possible cooperation with them was described as a temporary condition at best since class antagonisms were irreversible democracy was to be placed in the service of labor in order to expropriate big capital and large landed properties and to transfer the means of production and exchange to the common property of the whole people bauer s revolutionary rhetoric which used marxist ideas to define the transition from capitalism to socialism as an inevitable historical necessity largely overshadowed the party s concrete demands the sdap s opponents were able to use quotations from the program to warn against bolshevism bauer distanced himself from the excesses but only hesitantly from the ideas of the bolsheviks and professed the hope that if russian bolshevism should succeed and the people achieve prosperity then the idea of socialism would gain irresistible appeal throughout the world then capitalism s last hour would toll 22 the politics of social democracy especially in red vienna where party leader karl seitz was mayor was reform oriented and democratic bruno kreisky who was to become the social democratic chancellor of austria from 1970 to 1983 spoke of a terrible verbal mistake the phrase dictatorship of the proletariat stuck to the party like a brand it was a dangerous formulation and contrary to everything that could be read in the program 23 collapse of austrian democracy edit bauer with the approval of seitz and renner rejected coalition offers by the christian socialist chancellors ignaz seipel in 1931 and engelbert dollfuss in 1932 it soon came to be considered a fatal mistake kreisky wrote in my opinion it was the last chance to save austrian democracy 24 engelbert dollfuss on 4 march 1933 bauer and seitz sent party secretary adolf schärf to karl renner with the advice that he resign as first president of the national council due to what came to be known the rules of procedure crisis 25 following the resignations on the same day of both the christian socialist second president and the greater german people s party third president chancellor dollfuss two days later declared the elimination of parliament and prevented it from reconvening although it was mandatory in the sdap s party statutes for a general strike to be called if parliament was not allowed to sit no strike took place bauer did not allow himself to be pushed into action until the operational plans of the republikanischer schutzbund republican protection league the sdap s paramilitary arm established in 1923 to counter the right wing heimwehr were already in the hands of the dollfuss government and it had cleared out a number of the schutzbund s weapons caches in early february 1934 theodor körner who had been a general during world war i and was at the time chairman of the austrian parliament s upper house was asked at the last minute to take command of the schutzbund after examining the schutzbund structure in six viennese districts he implored bauer on 11 february not to let it come to a clash with the government and its forces under any circumstances he thought that the schutzbund and the sdap would certainly lose 26 exile 1934 1938 edit brno edit in february 1934 a series of skirmishes known as the february uprising broke out between austrian government forces and the schutzbund it ended in a socialist defeat and the outlawing of the sdap on the second day of the four day uprising bauer julius deutsch and other members of the sdap leadership fled to czechoslovakia when he arrived in exile in brno he accepted the consequences of the failure of his plans and the criticism he faced from his own ranks by announcing that he would continue to be available to the party as an advisor journalist and administrator of the party s saved funds but that he himself would no longer assume any leadership positions he supported the social democratic underground with his foreign office of the austrian social democrats auslandsbüro der österreichischen sozialdemokraten or alös through both his words and his actions his work helped establish the revolutionary socialists of austria under joseph buttinger as the successor to the sdap in 1935 it took the organizational form of a conspiratorial cadre party brussels and paris edit tomb with the last resting places of victor adler otto bauer karl seitz and engelbert pernerstorfer vienna central cemetery in 1938 with nazi germany s anschluss of austria bauer emigrated to brussels where at the end of march his foreign office merged with the leadership of the revolutionary socialists which had fled austria to form the foreign mission of the austrian socialists auslandsvertretung der österreichischen sozialisten or avoes joseph buttinger led avoes while bauer was a prominent member and the editor of the newspaper der sozialistische kampf the socialist struggle bauer always praised germany as a haven of spirit and progress in his political testament written in paris in 1938 he again spoke out in favor of an all german revolution including austria since he did not believe that a socialist revolution in austria alone was feasible 13 when karl renner declared in favor of the anschluss with germany because he thought that nazism would be temporary and no worse than chancellor kurt schuschnigg s authoritarian system bauer thought that he was correct 27 kreisky noted that bauer always considered and felt himself to be german 28 on 5 july 1938 at the age of 56 otto bauer succumbed to a heart attack in paris he was buried in the père lachaise cemetery opposite the monument to the fighters of the paris commune of 1871 in 1948 his urn was brought to vienna and on 12 november 1950 reburied in an honorary grave at the vienna central cemetery next to those of victor adler and karl seitz political philosophy edit this section needs more citations please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources unsourced material may be challenged and removed august 2022 learn how and when to remove this message general analytic themes edit otto bauer s ideas were characterized by a mixture of objective analysis marxism and other era specific influences cultural idealist german nationalism which clearly influenced bauer s writings on the nationality question and his attitude toward the unification problem in 1919 a certain fiscal orthodoxy which made bauer very skeptical of measures to create jobs during the great depression the marxist theme of the objective conditions that decisively shape the scope for political action which was related to a certain wait and see attitude on his part that was personally tinged and that manifested itself in a mixture of revolutionary rhetoric and a latent awareness of weakness bauer provided political analyses in many areas such as his insight that the world was between two world wars at the end of the 1930s and his reflections on rationalization and faulty rationalization his analyses were not however followed by guidance for political action concept of revolution edit otto bauer s concept of revolution bore distinctly reformist features in 1928 he wrote it is not the great geological catastrophe that has reshaped the world no it is the small revolutions in the imperceptible in the atoms that can no longer be studied even with a microscope that change the world that produce the force that then in one day is released in a geological catastrophe the small the imperceptible what we call detail work that is the truly revolutionary 29 a problem with this line of argument as for example in the linz program was that the sdap s opponents could point to the emotive word revolution as early as the 1920s the established goal of political opponents was to avoid becoming victims of austro marxist radical reforms justification of the sdap s wait and see approach edit in terms of historical materialism and in light of the dire economic conditions in austria in the 1920s bauer was convinced that the objective conditions for revolution merely had to be allowed to mature since it was certain that they would come about the party s waiting was therefore to be seen as an appropriate revolutionary pause because any shared responsibility involving dubious partnerships meaning coalition offers by the christian socialists would only lead to delaying the collapse of the prevailing capitalist order what bauer was waiting for was an absolute majority of votes in the country which he was sure would sooner or later come to the sdap then the achievements of red vienna from which bauer drew a good part of his strength and confidence would serve not as the ultimate goal but rather as the basis for further development toward a socialization of the economy that would be nearly impossible to reverse with his visions of the widespread upheavals that would inevitably follow an election victory bauer kept the left wing of the party in line for a long time but after 5 march 1933 the day the german nazi party won the largest share of seats in germany s reichstag election the left wing accused him of inappropriate hesitation in defending against the advance of fascism integral socialism edit on the international level bauer tried to maintain the idea that the victory of socialism conformed to the laws of historical materialism his idea of integral socialism with the medium term goal of reuniting bolsheviks and reformist social democrats nevertheless proved in practice not to be realizable the international working union of socialist parties that was initiated for the purpose of such a reunification was tasked with mediating between the second socialist and third communist internationals the members of the third international were to be encouraged to take steps towards internal democratization and those of the second international to turn away from reformism the project which was derided by karl radek a polish functionary of the third international as an excretory product of the world revolution decoctus historiae failed evaluation edit opponents edit as a leading theoretician of austromarxism otto bauer shaped his party s 1926 linz program it and especially the conditionally formulated passage on the dictatorship of the proletariat led conservatives and german nationalists to warn against austrobolshevism opponents also accused bauer of having fled the country in the course of the february 1934 uprising colleagues edit in 1953 joseph buttinger wrote the steel framework of his doctrinal edifice was the recognition of the objective relations that determine the real course of history reality which marx taught men to recognize so that they might rise against it bauer placed on the highest throne what was real had prevailed against material obstacles and human intentions was accordingly an inevitable result of social development necessary and therefore as an evil at the same time good for it was also the precondition of all better things to come this was true not only of capitalism it was equally true of reformism and the russian revolution consequently it was the duty of revolutionaries to recognize the power of circumstances from which reformism sprang 30 this can however as buttinger noted lead to the conviction that the opposite of revolutionary politics if it corresponds to circumstances is as good for the victory of socialism as the latter itself the sdap politician wilhelm ellenbogen painted the picture of a dazzling theoretician a forceful eloquent idealist who lacked only one thing that absolute instinctive accuracy in political judgment the nose which distinguishes the genuine political genius from the dilettante and lets him as it were blindly hit the right target and for which there is no rule no theory and no textbook 31 the declaration of the left at the social democratic party congress in october 1933 held bauer s policy to account in almost angry terms the policy of the party leadership since march of this year has been a policy of waiting a tactic of letting the enemy dictate all deadlines all terms of conflict this tactic is wrong in recent months the government has made its tactics clear even to the politically blind it is not a fascism that storms but a fascism that creeps which we have to repel the tactic is wrong that says not today not tomorrow but if the government does this and that then we will proclaim a general strike 32 later influences edit the basic features of bauer s austromarxism can be found in the revolutionary socialists who bauer supported and were active underground from 1934 to 1938 and after 1938 in the foreign mission of the austrian socialists avoes in 1945 the newly founded social democratic party of austria social democrats and revolutionary socialists spö oriented itself around bauer s ideological opposite karl renner who served as the first chancellor of the republic of austria bauer s marxism initially retained a certain formal status as can be seen from the addition of the parenthetic social democrats and revolutionary socialists to the official party name but its influence quickly waned since most social democrats wanted nothing to do with the vocabulary used by communists the conservative austrian people s party övp had long warned against what it saw as the threatening red united front the social philosopher norbert leser held that bauer s death in 1938 prevented a difficult dispute over the post war direction of the spö had otto bauer the brain and soul of austromarxism still been alive in 1945 and returned to austria it would hardly have been possible to avoid a dispute about the mistakes of the old leadership but with him serving as a dead icon who was invoked on holidays but denied in everyday life the postwar spö got along fine 33 bruno kreisky honored otto bauer with a nine volume edition of his works published beginning in 1975 but it no longer had any impact on party policy in 1986 kreisky considered bauer among the great men he had met despite some misjudgments of a superior intellect 34 what had given bauer s austromarxism its international uniqueness was the attempt to steer a marxist middle course between the bolsheviks and the reformist social democrats with the ultimate goal of democratizing the soviet union and reuniting them all in a common international in the cold war period until the beginning of mikhail gorbachev s reform the hope proved illusory ...