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politics is ultimately rooted in an idealist theory of power which maintains that the psychological attitudes of individuals are the root cause of oppression and exploitation and that vague programs of consciousness raising will somehow transform oppressive structures this politics assumes that demographic categories are coherent homogeneous communities or cultures in oakland police politicians downtown business interests and even many progressive activists have promoted versions of community with radically conservative political content communal identity is not automatically a site of political resistance the violent domination and subordination we face on the basis of our race gender and sexuality do not immediately create a shared political vision even though it may create a shared sense of oppression identity categories do not indicate political unity or agreement but the uneven impact of identity based oppression across society creates the conditions for the diffuse emergence of autonomous groups organizing on the basis of common experiences and a common political understanding of those experiences there is a difference between a politics which places an idealized and homogenizing cultural heritage at the center of its analysis of oppression and autonomous organizing against forms of oppression which impact members of marginalized groups unevenly anti oppression civil rights and decolonization struggles clearly reveal that if resistance is even slightly effective the people who struggle are in danger the choice is not between danger and safety but between the uncertain dangers of revolt and the certainty of continued violence deprivation and death i the non negotiable necessity of autonomous organizing as a group of people of color women queers and poor people coming together to attack a complex matrix of oppression and exploitation we believe in the absolute necessity of autonomous organizing by autonomous we mean the formation of independent groups of people who face specific forms of exploitation and oppression including but not limited to people of color women queers trans people gender nonconforming people qpoc we also believe in the political value of organizing in ways which try to cross racial gender and sexual divisions we are neither spokespersons for occupy oakland nor do we think a single group can possibly speak to the variety of challenges facing different constituencies we hope for the diffuse emergence of widespread autonomous organizing we believe that a future beyond capital s 500 year emergence through enclosures of common land and the enslavement colonization and genocide of non european populations and beyond the 7000 or more years of violent patriarchal structuring of society along hierarchized and increasingly binary gender lines will require revolutions within revolutions capitalism s ecocidal destiny and its relentless global production of poverty misery abuse and disposable and enslavable populations will force catastrophic social change within most of our lifetimes whether the public actively pursues it or not no demographic category of people could possibly share an identical set of political beliefs cultural identities or personal values accounts of racial gender and sexual oppression as intersectional continue to treat identity categories as coherent communities with shared values and ways of knowing the world no individual or organization can speak for people of color women the world s colonized populations workers or any demographic category as a whole although activists of color female and queer activists and labor activists from the global north routinely and arrogantly claim this right these representatives and institutions speak on behalf of social categories which are not in fact communities of shared opinion this representational politics tends to eradicate any space for political disagreement between individuals subsumed under the same identity categories we are interested in exploring the question of the relationship between identity based oppression and capitalism and conscious of the fact that the few existing attempts to synthesize these two vastly different political discourses leave us with far more questions than answers more recent attempts to come to terms with this split between anti oppression and anticapitalist politics in insurrectionary anarchism for example typically rely on simplistic forms of race and gender critique which typically begin and end with the police according to this political current the street is a place where deep and entrenched social differences can be momentarily overcome we think this analysis deeply underestimates the qualitative differences between specific forms and sites of oppression and the variety of tactics needed to address these different situations finally we completely reject a vulgar class first politics which argues that racism sexism homophobia and transphobia are simply secondary to or derivative of economic exploitation the prevalence of racism in the us is not a clever conspiracy hatched by a handful of ruling elites but from the start has been a durable racial contract between two unequal parties the us is a white supremacist nation indelibly marked by the legal construction of the white race in the 1600s through the formation of a cross class alliance between a wealthy planter class and poor white indentured servants w e b du bois called the legal privileges accorded to poor whites a psychological wage it must be remembered that the white group of laborers while they received a low wage were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage they were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white they were admitted freely with all classes of white people to public functions public parks and the best schools the police were drawn from their ranks and the courts dependent upon their votes treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness their vote selected public officials and while this had small effect upon the economic situation it had great effect upon their personal treatment and the deference shown to them we live in the shadow of this choice and this history a history which is far from over ii institutional struggles over the meaning of anti oppression politics a on the non profit industrial complex npic again nonprofits exist to maintain society as we know it nonprofits often provide vital social services in the spaces left by the state s retreat from postwar welfare provisions services which keep women queers and trans people particularly those who are poor and of color alive post wwii welfare provisions themselves were provided primarily to white families through redlining or the racially exclusive postwar gi bill for example social justice nonprofits in particular exist to co opt and quell anger preempt racial conflict and validate a racist patriarchal state these organizations are often funded by business monopolies which have profited from and campaigned for the privatization of public social services this has been argued extensively by many who have experienced the limits of nonprofit work firsthand most recently by incite women of color against violence indeed the exponential growth of ngos and nonprofits could be understood as the 21st century public face of counterinsurgency except this time speaking the language of civil women s and gay rights charged with preempting political conflict and spiritually committed to promoting one sided dialogue with armed state bureaucracies over the last four decades a massive nonprofit infrastructure has evolved in order to prevent whether through force or persuasion another outbreak of the urban riots and rebellions which spread through northern ghettos in the mid to late 1960s both liberal and conservative think tanks and service providers have arisen primarily in response to previous generations of radical black native american asian american and chican third world liberation movements in the 21st century social justice activism has become a professional career path racial justice nonprofits and an entire institutionally funded activist infrastructure partner with the state to echo the rhetoric of past movements for liberation while implicitly or explicitly condemning their militant tactics the material infrastructure promoting these ideas is massive enabling their extensive dissemination and adoption largely funded by philanthropic organizations like the ford foundation 13 7 billion rockefeller foundation 3 1 billion or the bill melinda gates foundation 37 1 billion the us nonprofit sector has grown exponentially often through the direct privatization of the remnants of america s new deal era social safety net this funding structure ties liberal organizations charged with representing and serving communities of color to businesses interested primarily in tax exemptions and charity and completely hostile to radical social transformation despite their rhetoric in 2009 nonprofits accounted for 9 of all wages and salaries paid in the united states generated 1 41 trillion in total revenues and reported 2 56 trillion in total assets one need only hear the names of these philanthropic organizations to realize that they are or were some of the largest business monopolies in the world whose foundations are required to donate 5 of their endowment each year while 95 of the remaining funds remain invested in financial markets the public is asked to thank these organizations for their generosity for solving problems which they are literally invested in maintaining with increasing frequency filipino prison abolitionist and professor dylan rodriguez argues we are party or participant to a white liberal multicultural people of color liberal imagination which venerates and even fetishizes the iconography and rhetoric of contemporary black and third world liberation movements and then proceeds to incorporate these images and vernaculars into the public presentation of foundation funded liberal or progressive organizations t hese organizations in order to protect their nonprofit status and marketability to liberal foundations actively self police against members deviations from their essentially reformist agendas while continuing to appropriate the language and imagery of historical revolutionaries having lived in the san francisco bay area from 1995 2001 which is in many ways the national hub of the progressive wing of the npic i would name some of the organizations here but the list would be too long suffice it to say that the nonprofit groups often exhibit ed a political practice that is to appropriate and corrupt a phrase from ruth wilson gilmore radical in form but liberal in content b politicians and police who are just like us in california some of the most racist policies and reforms in recent history have been advanced by politicians of color we are not interested in increasing racial gender and sexual diversity within existing hierarchies of power within government police forces or in the boardrooms of corporate america when police departments and municipal governments can boast of their diversity and multicultural credentials we know that there needs to be a radical alternative to this politics of inclusion oakland is perhaps one of the most glaring examples of how people of color have not just participated in but in many instances led as mayors police chiefs and city council members the assault on poor and working class black and brown populations oakland mayor jean quan speaks the language of social justice activism and civil rights but her political career in city government clearly depends upon satisfying right wing downtown business interests corrupt real estate speculators and a bloated and notoriously brutal police force there is no more depressing cautionary tale of the fate of 1960s era politics of changing the state from within than the career of oakland mayor quan quan fought for the creation of an ethnic studies program at uc berkeley in 1969 and in 2011 penned a letter to occupy oakland listing an array of state approved social justice nonprofits in order to justify mass arrests and a police crackdown on protesters attempting to establish a community center and free clinic in a long abandoned city owned property 1 in response to a season of strikes anti police brutality marches and repeated port shutdowns in response to police assaults the state offered two choices either the nonprofits or the police mayor quan surveys the aftermath of city hall vandalism on january 28 move in day quan and other municipal politicians are part of a state apparatus that is rapidly increasing its reliance upon militarized policing to control an unruly population especially poor people of color in urban areas policing is fast becoming the paradigm for government in general a white supremacist decades long war on drugs has culminated in a 21st century imperial war on terror the equipment and tactics of urban pacification are now being turned on american cities and on the citizens and non citizens who are targeted by austerity measures which have for decades been applied to the global south this is as much the case in the liberal bay area as it is anywhere else recently urban shield 2011 a series of urban military training exercises for bay area police forces was held on the campus of uc berkeley in anticipation of raids on the occupy oakland encampment and other local occupied public parks israeli border police and military police from bahrain fresh from suppressing an arab spring uprising in their own country took part in these exercises beside alameda county sheriffs and oakland police department officers we see clearly that in an era of deepening budget cuts and america s global decline the white liberal consensus about racial inclusion is quickly becoming economically unaffordable and in its place we see increasingly widespread public support for mainstream openly white supremacist social movements armed paramilitary white nationalist organizations like the minutemen patrol the us border white supremacist media figures spout genocidal fantasies on the radio and television and police killings of young black men and women have become so frequent that even the mainstream media has begun to report on it at the same time policing is fast becoming the paradigm for government in general as jared sexton and steve martinot argue under conventional definitions of the government we seem to be restricted to calling upon it for protection from its own agents but what are we doing when we demonstrate against police brutality and find ourselves tacitly calling upon the government to help us do so these notions of the state as the arbiter of justice and the police as the unaccountable arbiters of lethal violence are two sides of the same coin narrow understandings of mere racism are proving themselves impoverished because they cannot see thi...