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2012 june 07 iraq and gulf analysis iraq and gulf analysis home about archives august 2015 january 2015 december 2014 october 2014 september 2014 august 2014 july 2014 june 2014 may 2014 april 2014 march 2014 february 2014 january 2014 december 2013 november 2013 october 2013 september 2013 august 2013 july 2013 june 2013 may 2013 april 2013 march 2013 february 2013 january 2013 december 2012 november 2012 october 2012 september 2012 august 2012 july 2012 june 2012 may 2012 april 2012 march 2012 february 2012 january 2012 december 2011 november 2011 october 2011 september 2011 august 2011 july 2011 june 2011 may 2011 april 2011 march 2011 february 2011 january 2011 december 2010 november 2010 october 2010 september 2010 august 2010 july 2010 june 2010 may 2010 april 2010 march 2010 february 2010 january 2010 december 2009 november 2009 october 2009 september 2009 august 2009 july 2009 june 2009 may 2009 april 2009 march 2009 february 2009 january 2009 december 2008 november 2008 october 2008 september 2008 august 2008 july 2008 june 2008 may 2008 april 2008 march 2008 february 2008 january 2008 december 2007 november 2007 october 2007 september 2007 august 2007 july 2007 june 2007 may 2007 april 2007 march 2007 february 2007 january 2007 december 2006 november 2006 october 2006 september 2006 august 2006 july 2006 june 2006 may 2006 april 2006 march 2006 february 2006 january 2006 december 2005 november 2005 october 2005 august 2005 categories basra and southern regionalism 34 de baathification 11 federalism in sunni majority areas of iraq 14 federalism in the middle east 6 iranian influence in iraq 55 iraq regionalism general 27 iraq and soft partition 39 iraq international relations 5 iraq local elections 2013 21 iraq parliament membership 13 iraq parliamentary elections 2014 26 iraq s 2010 parliamentary election 175 iraqi constitutional issues 280 iraqi nationalism 95 kirkuk and disputed territories 47 oil in iraq 46 rule of law 2 sectarian master narrative 55 shiite sectarian federalism 16 uia dynamics 133 uncategorized 59 us policy in iraq leverage issues 67 meta create account log in entries feed comments feed wordpress com my latest book on amazon com from just world books available on amazon com twitter updates tweets by reidarvisser june 2012 m t w t f s s 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 may jul subscribe entries rss comments rss recent posts legality and constitutionality questions in iraq s reform push the federalism dimension in yemen s draft constitution federalism and decentralization in libya s constitutional proposals groundbreaking iraq supreme court ruling on the law on mp replacement after the rise of isis will iraq s shiites secede additional ministers approved for the iraq cabinet the controversial kurdish ministers in the new iraqi cabinet the iraqi parliament fails to approve new security ministers the iraqi parliament approves the abbadi cabinet haydar al abbadi is the new iraq pm candidate maliki the presidency and parliament in the iraq pm nomination battle pm nomination trouble in iraq iraq elects fuad masum as new president for the first time in iraq a large field of presidential candidates the iraqi parliament elects its new speakership archive for june 7th 2012 the united states taking the backseat in iraq posted by reidar visser on thursday 7 june 2012 16 34 it hasn t quite received the media attention it deserves during the midst of the current political crisis in iraq the top us diplomat in iraq ambassador james jeffrey a recurrent figure in many conspiracy theories about elaborate us schemes for dividing and ruling the region must have sneaked out the back door already the wall street journal is making interviews with him referring to his past tenure in iraq and this week despite the climax of the moves to unseat prime minister nuri al maliki ibrahim al jaafari met with a chargé d affaires from the biggest us embassy in the world wait wasn t vice president joe biden the iraq czar of the obama administration supposed to show up in baghdad instead this week well that was what the rumours said but we re at the end of the working week in iraq and still no joe in baghdad it seems the iraqis not without some sort of loud cheering from the turks and the iranians will be sorting this one out themselves meanwhile wednesday brett mcgurk the next us ambassador in iraq was still in washington in a senate confirmation hearing answering rather lame question about oil production sunnis and shiites and militant groups it is however noteworthy that mcgurk who has been so strongly associated with us backing of maliki that iraqiyya promptly declared they would have nothing to do with him upon his nomination was at pains to express an evenhanded approach to iraqi politics if a new pm were in place tomorrow mcgurk would deal with him as with maliki political agreements meaning erbil would be respected alongside the constitution and mcgurk went even further than that apparently reflecting the success of a strong kurdish lobby in dc he declared his desire to visit kurdistan every week of his tenure if confirmed that is a lot of travelling for a high value us target in iraq of course ambassador jeffrey must have left on or around 1 june when his tenure was supposed to end anyway be that as it may the net effect of all of this may be that the united states will have only a limited role in the question of whether prime minister nuri al maliki will go or not right now it actually seems an intra kurdish struggle with some considerable iranian pressure on president jalal talabani is the main factor behind the delay of the introduction of a non confidence vote against maliki in the iraqi parliament some will no doubt see this kind of limited us involvement as a desirable process of disengagement that would be a fair interpretation had it not been for the very glaring and physical image of the mega embassy of the americans in baghdad the remnant of an altogether different vision of hands on us involvement the jeffrey remarks to the wsj came in a story on the unexpected downsizing of the cia presence in iraq it would be fair to talk about successful disengagement had it also not been for the fact that what remains of us fingers in iraq seem to be working at counter purpose in the embassy as well as in the us senate discussion is still about sunnis and shiites and kurds and the implementation of the arbil agreement there is complete failure to realize that all of this replicates the iranian conceptual model of an ethno sectarian iraq and ultimately will serve to strengthen iranian influence or to partition the country into iranian and turkish zones of influence one result of recent developments in iraq is that sadrist criticism of maliki has put pressure on maliki to fix his relations with some other shiite partners with whom relations had soured in recent years such as isci badr and fadila it has also meant creating links to rather unsavoury circles in the former sadrist militia asaib ahl al haqq all of this plays into the hands of iran conversely there is one recent development that might have the potential to solidify iraqi independence versus the regional environment the recent alliance between maliki and sunnis from the disputed territories in northern iraq typically this very significant trend for anyone who believes in an independent iraq was never mentioned in the us senate hearing on the next american ambassador to iraq posted in sectarian master narrative us policy in iraq leverage issues 48 comments create a free website or blog at wordpress com subscribe subscribed iraq and gulf analysis join 203 other subscribers sign me up already have a wordpress com account log in now privacy iraq and gulf analysis subscribe subscribed sign up log in report this content view site in reader manage subscriptions collapse this bar design a site like this with wordpress com get started