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y were never quite able to eliminate in a sense the poetera was the first formal nationalist cally mclined organization to manifest itself during the occupation as its strength grew and it came to include an auxiliary army force tentara pembela tanah aer and an armed police force as well the resistance of the nationalists to japanese demands stiffened the poetera never broke openly with the japanese but neither did it express opposition to the revolts which broke out in blitar indramajoe and tasikmalaja as the occupation wore on the poe tera carried on a continual tug of war with the japanese military authorities for concessions to the nationalist cause for higher posi tions in the government for indonesians and for a withdrawal of japanese officialdom in exchange for these concessions the national ists promised support of the war effort the relation between the poetera and the japanese military was thus a dynamic one of stress and strain as the military situation in the pacific grew more and more precarious for the japanese the pull exerted by the poetera intensified as the japanese war position grew still weaker the poetera and the nationalists grew stronger and the concessions which they were able to elicit widened in scope finally after considerable earlier pressure from the poetera a commission for the preparation of independence was set up in april 1944 with soekarno and hatta as its guiding lights by june birth of the republic 9 1944 the nationalists were able to exert sufficient economic pressure on the japanese to bring about the end of the centralized agricul tural control board in its place an agricultural industrial trust saibai kogyo renokat was set up exercising the same functions and with the same powers as the former s k k k except that it was now controlled not by the japanese military but by private estate owners and agricultural companies indonesian and chinese as well as japanese in september 1944 under increasing pressure both from the na tionalists and the deteriorating military situation in the pacific premier koiso made the first formal japanese promise of independ ence to the indonesians the red and white independence flag and the national anthem indonesia raja great indonesia which the preparatory commission had adopted now were recognized by the japanese authorities in addition new regulations were adopted to increase the participation of indonesians in the government as the nationalists had demanded in july 1945 with american forces in the pacific closing in for the kill count terauchi the japanese commander in chief for south east asia and the indies received instructions from tokyo to make preparations for independence discussions with the indonesian leaders the original tokyo plan provided that independence would be declared in the name of the emperor as soon as russia entered the war and it was further hoped by the japanese that with this inducement the indonesian auxiliary army might then be counted on to fight side by side with the japanese against the expected in vasion forces in early august soekamo and hatta left batavia for japanese asia headquarters in saigon by special japanese plane at terauchi s invitation there is every reason to believe that they knew what the purpose of their visit was to be and what the underlying motives of the japanese were less than one week after their return to batavia the japanese capitulation was announced and somewhat hastily and boldly two days later on august 17 soekarno and hatta proclaimed the re publicnot in the name of the japanese emperor but in the name of the indonesian people the issue of collaboration under the confused conditions which prevailed throughout south east asia at the time of the unexpected japanese surrender announce 10 the indonesian story ment it was inevitable that suspicion of collaboration should be come attached to the new born independence movements in burma indo china and indonesia and that these suspicions would crystal lize into definite charges against the new regimes by the returning colonial powers the charges were not long in making an appearance in septem ber 1945 dr hubertus j van mook the lt governor general of the netherlands indies in exile in australia advised admiral mountbatten the supreme allied commander for southeast asia it is obvious that this republican movement is a restricted one and that its pattern is a dictatorship after the japanese model it is to be seriously doubted that the puppet government has much of a following and it is of particular importance that this extremist organization not be recognized in any way directly or indirectly since it is simply a japanese creation allied intelligence concerning indonesia during the occupation was more meager than for any other area in southeast asia the charges of collaboration thus found the world at large unable to judge the situation which had existed during the occupation or to recognize the larger scope which the nationalist movement was to attain immediately after the japanese capitulation there had been no o s s or allied intelligence teams operating regularly throughout the archipelago as there had been in other parts of the region indeed japanese broadcasts and one or two brief landings on the java and sumatra coasts from submarines by dutch and allied operatives furnished most of the sparse information which came from indonesia during the war the landings of british forces in october 1945 in insufficient strength and after a critical six weeks delay reflected this dearth of intelligence even after the re occupation it was difficult to obtain the informa tion necessary for a candid appraisal of the collaborationist charges released dutch internees and p o w s were either too biased or too out of touch to offer a fair index of the real state of affairs un biased indonesians were just as difficult to find and the chinese and eurasian minorities often were too afraid either of the returning dutch or of the indonesians to speak freely one of the few europeans fully qualified and sufficiently open minded to judge these charges and to appraise the republic at its inception was a british army officer lt colonel laurence van der post colonel van der post had been assigned by british army birth of the republic 11 intelligence to remain behind in java when field marshal wavell s southeast asia headquarters in bandoeng decided to evacuate in february 1942 he had been assigned the mission of continuing guerrilla operations in the hills as long as possible and specifically of keeping au courant of general events during the japanese occupa tion looking toward the day when allied troops would return to the indies he himself was interned by the japanese after the guer rilla activities which he had directed in the hills were brought to an end nevertheless he maintained sufficient contact with the out side to remain probably the best authority on the republic s pre natal history and formation unfortunately however colonel van der post s wide fund of information was never given the attention that it merited actually an accurate appraisal of the collaborationist charges which have been directed against the republic s leaders depends primarily on an initial adjustment in viewpoint in analyzing collaboration with the japanese in indonesia a basically different approach must be adopted from that applied to the same issue in the occupied countries of europe in europe the populations of the occupied countries knew what the war was about despite blundering and corruption in pre war europe they knew that fundamentally it represented a struggle for existence against the expanding forces of aggressive fascism they had the clear evidence before them that the fascist enemy had blitzed through their defenses beaten their armies and forced their governments into exile they maintained contact with these exiled governments through the active underground movements which flourished under the eyes of the invader they received news and pamphlets from their governments by way of the underground and by air and they could carry on in the assurance that their forces and those of their allies were growing stronger day by day and would eventually return to liberate their soil in short despite harsh and discouraging conditions and deprivations they still had some feeling of belonging of being a part of the fight against an enemy of long standing a fight that was being prosecuted by their brothers in arms outside the motherland under such conditions collaboration with the enemy by an indi vidual citizen was tantamount to treason against his nation s still continuing fight in europe a patriotic and thinking citizen s duty and attitude toward the invader were clear collaboration generally stood out clearly when judged in this light 12 the indonesian story in indonesia on the other hand a patriotic nationalist s duty and attitude toward the japanese were by no means as simple or as clear in the first place the struggle which the war represented between fascism and democracy was obscure and distant to all but the most sophisticated and westernized intellectuals such as sjahrir and sjarifoeddin furthermore the japanese were not an established enemy of long standing with whom the indonesians had already had contact before and of whom they had already formed a definite im pression the existence of anti white racialism which japanese propaganda exploited led some indonesians to identify their op position to foreign white rule with the japanese war against the western powers the indonesian nationalists did not have the feeling that the enemy had fought against their defenses beaten their forces or driven their government into exile in fact the indonesian people had not had any arms with which to fight the invader since the dutch government had avoided arming or training any large groups except for the loyal ambonese and had particularly avoided the training or arming of educated or nationalistic indonesians the emergency conditions of the period from 1939 through 1942 had not changed this policy during this period the dutch had been even more circumspect in their building of an indonesian armed force lest it might come under the influence of the nationalist movement finally the patriotic indonesian had little feeling of attachment to or contact with the distant netherlands indies government in australia the underground resistance movement maintained no liaison with the exiled dutch such resistance as the indonesians organized was their own and was neither in close touch with nor was it supplied by the exile government outside the dutch govern ment had gone and the dutch civilians remaining behind were interned and for the most part effectively removed from the scene the indonesians were now alone they were isolated and left on their own to sink or struggle to shore as best they could the resent ment and sense of isolation felt were summarized by sjahrir in his political manifesto when the netherlands indies government surrendered to the japanese in bandoeng in march 1942 our unarmed population fell prey to the harshness and cruelty of japanese militarism for three and a half years our people were bent under a cruelty which they had never before experienced throughout the last several decades of netherlands colonial rule our people were treated as worthless material to be wasted in the birth of the republic 13 piocess of war from the lowly stations of those who were forced to ac cept compulsory labor and slavery and whose crops were stolen to the intellectuals who were forced to propagate lies the grip of japanese militarism was universally felt for this dutch colonialism is respon sible in that it left our 70 000 000 people to the mercies of japanese militarism without any means of protecting themselves since they had never been entrusted with fire arms or with the education necessary to use them a new realization was born in our people a national feeling that was sharper than ever before this feeling was also sharpened by the japa nese propaganda for pan asianism later attempts by the japanese to suppress the nationalist movement were to no avail during three and a half years of japanese occupation the whole state organization which had been controlled by the dutch was handled by the indonesians under the authority of the japanese our nation acquired greater confidence and our national awareness grew towards the japanese as well as towards other nations the millions of people lost during the occupation and the miseries under which the rest of the population lived must be attributed to the inadequate preparation which we were given by the dutch because of these facts the dutch have not the moral right to accuse us of having cooperated with the japanese 4 it is certainly true that there were instances of collaboration and corruption stemming from purely selfish and servile motives in general however it appears that the overall collaborationist charges directed against the republic and many of its leaders must be judged in the extenuating light of the complex psychological and emotional factors referred to above it is in this light that the occupation records of soekarno and hatta and their coterie are actu ally regarded by indonesian public opinion and it is this factor which has constituted a major source of strength for both the republic and soekarno public opinion in indonesia regards soe karno and hatta not as having been pro japanese but as the leaders who cheated the japanese by political cunning and who brought the republic to life as a result this is one reason why the colorful per sonality of soekarno rather than the more profound and more so phisticated sjahrir has the backing of the indonesian people today it is of course impossible not to admire the self contained in tegrity of sjahrir who staunchly resisted dealing with the japanese nevertheless soekarno and hatta largely through their own names and personalities preserved the continuity of the nationalist move ment throughout the occupation it is doubtful whether without 4 translated from sjahrir s political manifesto batavia november 1945 see ap pendix p 172 14 the indonesian story this continuity the republic would have had either the organiza tion or the popular support which it was to need for survival after august 17 1945 the sjahrir and sjarifoeddin group united firmly with the soekarno and hatta group in supporting the re public later attempts of the dutch to drive a wedge between the two by refusing to deal with the collaborationist soekarno but warmly accepting sjahrir for negotiation failed dr van mook finally withdrew his earlier hasty appraisal of the republic by ad mitting at pangkal pinang in october 1946 our knowledge of the happenings and conditions in the occupied ter ritory of indonesia was deficient and incomplete during the war this was particularly true in respect to java and sumatra misled by outward ap...