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ikwɨ yawa ri where the first element is the root for breath but that the non tepiman languages dropped the kwɨ syllable this kind of syllable dropping usually happens in two steps 1 syncope of the weak vowel hikw yawa ri and 2 deletion of the first consonant in the resulting cluster hi yawa ri if this is the case then all of the sua branches share a single ancestral form and a basic split between tepiman and non tepiman sub groups and the corachol nahuan languages nested as a subgroup under the non tepiman sua languages proto tepiman ii bɨdaga heart t ohono o odham iib ɨdag heart north tepehuán ʔiibdag heart tepiman loses initial h and drops final vowels tepiman b comes from psua kw d comes from psua y g comes from psua w so the sequence dag comes from yawv and the sequence ib from hikw tepiman iibɨ breathe pre tepiman hikw ɨ breathe tohono o odham ʔiibhu breathe nporth tepehuán ib ɨ ḱɨi breathe other ua below are some of the cognates found outside of sua in the languages of california and in hopi the root does not seem to appear in numic languages interestingly warihío seems to share the root hika with the californian languages in the meaning heart spirit hopi has a root that is quite close to what looked like the pre tepiman root for breath hikwv with a suffix si californian hika serrano hik breathe be alive warihío hi ʔká i ʔká heart spirit tübatülabal ihk ɨt breathe californian hikawis kitanemuk hikaw breathe luiseño hakwís breathe be alive cahuilla hikus breathe be alive proto hopi hikwsi from hikawis hopi hikwsi breath stubbs 2011 reconstructs this set as 301 hikwis and also reconstructs 1166 ikwiyawa for proto tepiman and 13 yoli for cahitan corachol and nahuan hill 2020 has a set of words meaning breathe or heart under hi 03 but doesn t include the nahua and corachol words i believe i am the first to propose a connection between these sets and to demonstrate how they fit together also both stubbs and hill propose cahitan hiyapsi as a relative only of the words meaning breath iyaari ihiyotl and they do not explain the psi ending intermediary reconstructions this gives us the following intermediate forms corachol nahuan shares the form yoori wixárika nahua shares the form iyaori corachol cahitan and perhaps ópatan and raramuri shares the protoform hiyawori heart pre tepiman hikw ɨ yaw suggests that the form hiyawori in non tepiman sua has evolved from that same form through syncope giving us a shared form for all of sua psua shares the proto form hikw ɨ yawo heart the first element of that form appears to be a general pua form hikvwvs breath below i show the development i propose in diagram form this comparative evidence alone strongly suggests that the nahua word for heart is not derived in any way from a root ol either in the meaning movement or ball the word is inherited from earlier stages of uto aztecan and developed following a path of systematic sound changes the fact that we can also reconstruct the nahua words for maize corn cob tla ō lli ō l ō tl to the sua verb hora de grain corn and the word for movement ōlini and probably also rubber ōlli to a corachol nahuan root oro to move strongly suggests that these are independent roots going back at least to the split of southern uto aztecan which would be several millennia before there was anything such as nahuatl conclusion the main point of this long etymological exercise is to caution the student of nahuatl against supporting their arguments about cultural conceptualization with folk etymologies being very proficient at nahuatl and understanding its grammar is not a guarantee against falling into this trap león portilla lópez austin and sullivan were all very accomplished nahuatlahtoque being good at nahuatl grammar and knowing all the ways in which words can be constructed may mislead us to think that all nahuatl words are constructed through the grammatical principles of for word construction that we know but this assumes that nahuas somehow started with the grammar and then began cosntrucitng words with the rules when of course the reality must have been the reverse the ancient uto aztecans had a set of lexical roots and a set of grammatical rules that they passed down through the generations changing the phonological and grammatical rules preexisting words where then changed to fit to the new phonological grammatical rules for example adding suffixes nahuas have always had a word meaning heart or breath or life force they never had a need to construct such a word from the word for ball or movement etymology is a specialized field of knowledge and building one s big theories of nahua culture on etymologies without using this knowledge amounts to constructing fancy castles on sand bibliography león portilla m 1956 la filosofía náhuatl instituto indigenista interamericano lópez austin alfredo 1980 cuerpo humano e ideología las concepciones de los antiguos nahuas vol 2 méxico universidad nacional autónoma de méxico instituto de investigaciones antropológicas hill kenneth 2020 wick miller s uto aztecan cognate sets uc berkeley publications of the survey of california and other indian languages https escholarship org uc item 9px6p8h8 maffie james 2014 aztec philosophy understanding a world in motion university press of colorado stubbs brian d uto aztecan a comparative vocabulary flower mound tx shumway family history services 2011 sullivan thelma 1982 tlazolteotl ixcuina the great spinner and in the art and iconography of late post classic central mexico a conference at dumbarton oaks october 22nd and 23rd 1977 p 7 dumbarton oaks indsendt af magnus pharao hansen kl 02 21 4 kommentarer send med mail blog om dette del på x del via facebook del på pinterest lørdag den 29 april 2023 words usually spoken upon taking a nahua child from their parents magnus pharao hansen paja faudree yesterday at the northeastern nahuatl scholars conference at brown university in providence me and paja faudree associate professor of anthropology at brown university and my former doctoral adviser gave a talk in which we presented an analysis of a section of the vocabulario manual by pedro de arenas first published in 1610 we compared the various versions and editions of this book many of which are located at he john carter brown library this blog post is a small summary of this paper which we may eventually develop into larger paper when we study the relations between nahuas and spaniards in the colonial period we tend to rely on combinations of information contained in administrative and ecclesiastical records and they do not necessarily represent the breadth of contexts in which interactions between nahuas and non nahuas took place particularly if we are interested in knowing more about the minutiae of everyday life since precisely because of their mundane banality they are something colonial administrators or church officials were unlikely to take any special interest in and therefore unlikely to leave any written record of however there is one colonial source which provides a stunning glimpse into these everyday interactions between spaniards and nahuas which has received surprisingly little attention in scholarship and this is pedro de arenas vocabulario manual first published in 1611 the vocabulario manual is a nahuatl phrasebook written for spaniards in order to help them communicate with nahuatl speakers as they interacted in various common tasks and contexts pedro de arenas vocabulario manual the mere fact of the existence of the vocablario manual tells us something about the relations between nahuas and spaniards who spoke no nahuatl namely firstly that interactions between them were common and frequent enough that a phrasebook was considered useful and secondly that it was not the case that it was not simply assumed that it was the responsibility of nahuas to accommodate to spanish speakers the fact that this work was reprinted no less than 9 times over three centuries tells us that the usefulness of a phrasebook for spaniards speakers to communicate with nahuas was not limited to the early years of the colony or the periods during which nahuatl was an official language in new spain indeed the last three editions were even printed after mexican independence this study is by no means the first as previous work by ascención hernández de león portilla and andrés lira have analyzed it previously but due to its unique status as the only example of the genre of a mundane phrasebook it deserves much more study and to figure prominently in analyses of social life and spanish indigenous interactions during the colony nothing is known about pedro de arenas biography in the work he describes himself as a romancista that is a person with no formal education in latin and ascención hernández de león portilla suggests that he was likely a spaniard who came to new spain and dedicated himself mostly to trade and commerce 1982 xix xxvi for the manual he supplied the phrases in spanish and an unnamed nahuatlato translated them into nahuatl there are extant editions published in 1611 1668 1683 1690 1710 1728 1793 1831 and the last one in 1887 in 1862 during the french intervention a french edition was published there are reports of editions from 1613 1615 and 1666 but no copies of these were located by ascención hernández de león portilla when she searched for them there are copies of the other editions at many research libraries and archives in méxico the us and europe the vocabulario manual is organized into sections describing different types of interactions between the books user and nahuatl speakers among these interactions are such everyday communicative events as exchanging greetings bartering selling or buying goods asking for directions giving orders and directions to servants praising workers scolding or complaining about workers and servants going to church asking where things or people are or telling others where to put them the picture it gives us is of close everyday relations between the book s intended audience of users and the nahuatl speakers they will be speaking to in these imagined interactions nahuatl speakers are most commonly cast as workers servants or laborers who will be given tasks or persons with whom to trade or barter as in the sections on how to poner defecto en alguna cosa and como alabar alguna cosa nahuatl speakers are also imagined as people from whom to ask for directions on the road or upon arriving in a new town other communicative events are of a more intimate interpersonal nature as when nahuatl speakers are imagined as those in need of being cured of a malady or consoled or are people that the manual s user must ask for help apologize to praise or commend for their virtues or encourage to keep doing good work but there are also situations where the manual s user is put in the role of accusing someone while speaking to a group of nahuatl speakers or of scolding someone or complaining of bad work or ill treatment sometimes too the roles are reversed and the book s user must defend themselves against accusations of some improper act or must apologize for transgressions they have committed words usually spoken upon taking a nahua child from their parents one of the sections that is painfully revealing of the dynamics of colonial world is the one in which the speaker is instructed in how to ask a nahuatl speaking family for their child to rear the implied reason for asking for a nahua child is to teach it a trade which was apparently done on a contract of one to two years at a time likely the position of such a child would be as mozo a boy servant of the type mentioned as the addressee in many of the other sections of the vocabulario while the parents answers are not included and we hear only the spanish speaker s voice speaking nahuatl the answers are strongly implied by the book s author since the statements that it teaches anticipate in some detail the response from the child s parents the author clearly expects the parents to be quite reluctant to hand over the child and they need a good deal of convincing and negotiation of the period of the contract the period should be long enough that the child will learn well the child will send back money i will love the child as if it were my own the closing statement of the person presumably carrying away the child is to tell the parents not to be sad the statement implicitly painting the picture of a mother or father who does not really want to part with the child but who has been convinced that they must palabras que se suelen ordinariamente decir pidiendo algún muchacho a sus padres para enseñarle oficio cuix tinechmacaznequi in mopiltzin do you want to give me your child nehuatl nicmachtiz netlayecoltiliztli in yehuatl é inin i will teach him a means of making a living this one or that quexquich cahuitl nonahuac ticcahuaz for how much time will you leave him with me amo miec amo huel quimomachtiz zan iciuhca that is not much he can not learn just quickly nehuatl nichuicaz an ma notlan ye oc quezqui ilhuitl i will take him with me and he will be with me yet some days auh in zatepan tla ticnequiz ticchihuazque amatl ó escritura in quexquich cahuitl tehuatl ticnequiz and then later if you wish we will make papers for whatever time you want auh nehuatl nicmacaz ic izqui in cecen metztica in cecen xiuhtica and i will give him this much every month every year auh nictlazohtlaz cenca cualli iuhqui ma ahzo huel nopiltzin and i will love him as well as if he might be my own child huel oc xiquilnamiqui 1611 ximoyolnonotza 1668 in tla moyollocacopa remember it speak to your heart about it still if your heart is set ca intla yehuatl cualli tlacatl yez ihuan in quimoyollotiz in cualli yectli and if he will be a good man and put his heart into the good and the right iciuhca momachtiz zan ahmo huecauh zan ce xihuitl zan ce xihuitl ihuan tlahco zan ome xihuitl quickly he will learn not long just one year just a year and a half just two years macatlé mitztequipacho may nothing sadden you while the vocabulario manual tells us much about how spanish speakers had to learn to use nahuatl to interact with indigenous populations in mexico throughout the 17th to 19th centuries this little snippet of a phrasebook points to a much larger and highly sinister aspect of the colonial process an integral part of the way in which colonization progresses entailed removing nahua and other indigenous children from their families to raise them outside of their own community and culture the children who were taken in this way were probably often used as mozos that is servant boys and while it may be true that the person using the handbook intended to raise the child with love as if it were his own in a kind of fostering arrangement also not unknown in indigenous communities it feels more like a strategic statement for convincing the parents what they wanted was more likely the child s labour the practice also reminds us of the reside...