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Frances Rice
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ts reform must be digested in some detail to be properly appreciated in the house he did not represent a particularly segregationist constituency it made up for being less intensely segregationist than the rest of the south by being more intensely anti communist as the new york times put it but johnson was practically antebellum in his views never mind civil rights or voting rights in congress johnson had consistently and repeatedly voted against legislation to protect black americans from lynching as a leader in the senate johnson did his best to cripple the civil rights act of 1957 not having votes sufficient to stop it he managed to reduce it to an act of mere symbolism by excising the enforcement provisions before sending it to the desk of president eisenhower johnson s democratic colleague strom thurmond nonetheless went to the trouble of staging the longest filibuster in history up to that point speaking for 24 hours in a futile attempt to block the bill the reformers came back in 1960 with an act to remedy the deficiencies of the 1957 act and johnson s senate democrats again staged a record setting filibuster in both cases the master of the senate petitioned the northeastern kennedy liberals to credit him for having seen to the law s passage while at the same time boasting to southern democrats that he had taken the teeth out of the legislation johnson would later explain his thinking thus these negroes they re getting pretty uppity these days and that s a problem for us since they ve got something now they never had before the political pull to back up their uppityness now we ve got to do something about this we ve got to give them a little something just enough to quiet them down not enough to make a difference the 14th amendment 15th amendment and the civil rights act johnson did not spring up from the democratic soil ex nihilo not one democrat in congress voted for the fourteenth amendment not one democrat in congress voted for the fifteenth amendment not one voted for the civil rights act of 1875 eisenhower as a general began the process of desegregating the military and truman as president formalized it but the main reason either had to act was that president wilson the personification of democratic progressivism had resegregated previously integrated federal facilities if the colored people made a mistake in voting for me they ought to correct it he declared klansmen from senator robert byrd to justice hugo black held prominent positions in the democratic party and president wilson chose the klan epic birth of a nation to be the first film ever shown at the white house johnson himself denounced an earlier attempt at civil rights reform as the nigger bill so what happened in 1964 to change democrats minds in fact nothing democrat wars president johnson was nothing if not shrewd and he knew something that very few popular political commentators appreciate today the democrats began losing the solid south in the late 1930s at the same time as they were picking up votes from northern blacks the civil war and the sting of reconstruction had indeed produced a political monopoly for southern democrats that lasted for decades but the new deal had been polarizing it was very popular in much of the country including much of the south johnson owed his election to the house to his new deal platform and roosevelt connections but there was a conservative backlash against it and that backlash eventually drove new deal critics to the republican party likewise adherents of the isolationist tendency in american politics which is never very far from the surface looked askance at what bob dole would later famously call democrat wars a factor that would become especially relevant when the democrats under kennedy and johnson committed the united states to a very divisive war in vietnam the tiniest cracks in the democrats southern bloc began to appear with the backlash to fdr s court packing scheme and the recession of 1937 republicans would pick up 81 house seats in the 1938 election with west virginia s all democrat delegation ceasing to be so with the acquisition of its first republican kentucky elected a republican house member in 1934 as did missouri while tennessee s first republican house member elected in 1918 was joined by another in 1932 throughout the 1940s and 1950s the republican party though marginal began to take hold in the south but not very quickly dixie would not send its first republican to the senate until 1961 with texas s election of john tower the american south and politics the american south republicans and civil rights at the same time republicans went through a long dry spell on civil rights progress many of them believed wrongly that the issue had been more or less resolved by the constitutional amendments that had been enacted to ensure the full citizenship of black americans after the civil war and that the enduring marginalization of black citizens particularly in the democratic states was a problem that would be healed by time economic development and organic social change rather than through a second political confrontation between north and south as late as 1964 the republican platform argued that the elimination of any such discrimination is a matter of heart conscience and education as well as of equal rights under law the conventional republican wisdom of the day held that the south was backward because it was poor rather than poor because it was backward and their strongest piece of evidence for that belief was that republican support in the south was not among poor whites or the old elites the two groups that tended to hold the most retrograde beliefs on race but among the emerging southern middle class a fact recently documented by professors byron shafer and richard johnston in the end of southern exceptionalism class race and partisan change in the postwar south harvard university press 2006 which is to say the republican rise in the south was contemporaneous with the decline of race as the most important political question and tracked the rise of middle class voters moved mainly by economic considerations and anti communism that republicans have let democrats get away with this mountebankery is a symptom of their political fecklessness and in letting them get away with it the gop has allowed itself to be cut off rhetorically from a pantheon of republican political heroes from abraham lincoln and frederick douglass to susan b anthony who represent an expression of conservative ideals as true and relevant today as it was in the 19th century perhaps even worse the democrats have been allowed to rhetorically bury their bull connors their longstanding affiliation with the ku klux klan and their pitiless opposition to practically every major piece of civil rights legislation for a century republicans may not be able to make significant inroads among black voters in the coming elections but they would do well to demolish this myth nonetheless the transformation of the south the south had been in effect a third world country within the united states and that changed with the post war economic boom as clay risen put it in the new york times the south transformed itself from a backward region to an engine of the national economy giving rise to a sizable new wealthy suburban class this class not surprisingly began to vote for the party that best represented its economic interests the gop working class whites however and here s the surprise even those in areas with large black populations stayed loyal to the democrats this was true until the 90s when the nation as a whole turned rightward in congressional voting the mythmakers would have you believe that it was the opposite that your white hooded hillbilly trailer dwelling tornado bait voters jumped ship because lbj signed a civil rights bill passed on the strength of disproportionately republican support in congress the facts suggest otherwise republican politicians senator barry goldwater the ascendency of barry goldwater there is no question that republicans in the 1960s and thereafter hoped to pick up the angry populists who had delivered several states to wallace that was patrick j buchanan s portfolio in the nixon campaign but in the main they did not do so by appeal to racial resentment direct or indirect the conservative ascendency of 1964 saw the nomination of barry goldwater a western libertarian who had never been strongly identified with racial issues one way or the other but who was a principled critic of the 1964 act and its extension of federal power goldwater had supported the 1957 and 1960 acts but believed that title ii and title vii of the 1964 bill were unconstitutional based in part on a 75 page brief from robert bork but far from extending a welcoming hand to southern segregationists he named as his running mate a new york representative william e miller who had been the co author of republican civil rights legislation in the 1950s the republican platform in 1964 was hardly catnip for klansmen it spoke of the johnson administration s failure to help further the just aspirations of the minority groups and blasted the president for his refusal to apply republican initiated retraining programs where most needed particularly where they could afford new economic opportunities to negro citizens other planks in the platform included improvements of civil rights statutes adequate to changing needs of our times such additional administrative or legislative actions as may be required to end the denial for whatever unlawful reason of the right to vote continued opposition to discrimination based on race creed national origin or sex and goldwater s fellow republicans ran on a 1964 platform demanding full implementation and faithful execution of the civil rights act of 1964 and all other civil rights statutes to assure equal rights and opportunities guaranteed by the constitution to every citizen some dog whistle racists in the political parties of course there were racists in the republican party there were racists in the democratic party the case of johnson is well documented while nixon had his fantastical panoply of racial obsessions touching blacks jews italians don t have their heads screwed on irish they get mean when they drink and the ivy league wasps he hated so passionately did one of those dirty bastards ever invite me to his f ing men s club or goddamn country club not once but the legislative record the evolution of the electorate the party platforms the keynote speeches none of them suggests a party wide republican about face on civil rights neither does the history of the black vote while republican affiliation was beginning to grow in the south in the late 1930s the gop also lost its lock on black voters in the north among whom the new deal was extraordinarily popular by 1940 democrats for the first time won a majority of black votes in the north this development was not lost on lyndon johnson who crafted his great society with the goal of exploiting widespread dependency for the benefit of the democratic party unlike the new deal a flawed program that at least had the excuse of relying upon ideas that were at the time largely untested and enacted in the face of a worldwide economic emergency johnson s great society was pure politics johnson s war on poverty was declared at a time when poverty had been declining for decades and the first job corps office opened when the unemployment rate was less than 5 percent congressional republicans had long supported a program to assist the indigent elderly but the democrats insisted that the program cover all of the elderly even though they were then as now the most affluent demographic with 85 percent of them in households of above average wealth democrats such as secretary of health education and welfare anthony j celebrezze argued that the great society would end dependency among the elderly and the poor but the programs were transparently designed merely to transfer dependency from private and local sources of support to federal agencies created and overseen by johnson and his political heirs in the context of the rest of his program johnson s unexpected civil rights conversion looks less like an attempt to empower blacks and more like an attempt to make clients of them the senate and congress segregationist democrats if the parties had in some meaningful way flipped on civil rights one would expect that to show up in the electoral results in the years following the democrats 1964 about face on the issue nothing of the sort happened of the 21 democratic senators who opposed the 1964 act only one would ever change parties nor did the segregationist constituencies that elected these democrats throw them out in favor of republicans the remaining 20 continued to be elected as democrats or were replaced by democrats it was on average nearly a quarter of a century before those seats went republican if southern rednecks ditched the democrats because of a civil rights law passed in 1964 it is strange that they waited until the late 1980s and early 1990s to do so they say things move slower in the south but not that slow republicans did begin to win some southern house seats and in many cases segregationist democrats were thrown out by southern voters in favor of civil rights republicans one of the loudest democratic segregationists in the house was texas s john dowdy a bitter and buffoonish opponent of the 1964 reforms which he declared would set up a despot in the attorney general s office with a large corps of enforcers under him and his will and his oppressive action would be brought to bear upon citizens just as hitler s minions coerced and subjugated the german people i would say this i believe this would be agreed to by most people that if we had a hitler in the united states the first thing he would want would be a bill of this nature who says political rhetoric has been debased in the past 40 years dowdy was thrown out in 1966 in favor of a republican with a very respectable record on civil rights a little known figure by the name of george h w bush it was in fact not until 1995 that republicans represented a majority of the southern congressional delegation and they had hardly spent the reagan years campaigning on the resurrection of jim crow how the cold war changed politics a map of the cold war the cold war it was not the civil war but the cold war that shaped midcentury partisan politics eisenhower warned the country against the military industrial complex but in truth ike s ascent had represented the decisive victory of the interventionist hawkish wing of the republican party over what remained of the america first charles lindbergh robert taft tendency the republican party had long been staunchly anti communist but the post war era saw that anti communism energized and looking for monsters to slay both abroad in the form of the soviet union and its satellites and ...
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