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e respective roles of the london morning post and the london times in introducing palmerston s plans to the public as well as the responses of the french and spanish governments through their own press the article then contrasts the positions on intervention taken by the times in september and november after these contradictory reasonings have been dissected the second half of the article addresses the crucial question about the intervention raised by these incoherent inconsistencies what then is its real aim and purpose the london morning post and the london times practice a division of labor the analysis of their collaboration deepens the description of palmerston s management of the press as we have just seen palmerston was a part owner of the morning post and his ownership accounted for its publication of reports on foreign affairs accordingly marx calls the paper palmerston s private moniteur that is his equivalent of the french government s official paper the morning post published in detail the first public account of the agreement among britain france and spain to intervene in mexico the french government denied this report through its press the times then responded with a report that the french had indeed agreed to the intervention the spanish government then clarified through its press that it was planning a unilateral intervention finally the times followed with a report that the u s would join the intervention a claim promptly denied by the american press marx deduces from this sequence of reports and denials that the plan is undoubtedly an english creation and demonstrates one of his protocols for reading the press in this kind of situation in the same issue of the times that publicized the three powers final agreement on intervention in early november a second article appeared that approved of a recent french military intervention in switzerland this recognition signals a diplomatic quid pro quo palmerston has given france a free hand for intervention on the continent in return for french collaboration in the mexican adventure it is not the content of the reports per se but their juxtaposition that conveys this message beyond the mere content of foreign policy reports their placement in the papers has a political function and inferable meaning marx draws an analogous but more complex inference from a comparison of the reports in the post and the times in its first report the post maintained that the goal of the expedition was to collect debts owed by the mexican government because the government no longer exercised effective power it was necessary to take military measures to occupy port cities and claim customs revenues the times in its subsequent first report dismissed the significance of the debt and instead maintained that the intervention would encourage the mexican government in its efforts to restore order and end the brigandage that victimized british subjects marx notes the contradiction between the respective assumptions that there is no effective government and that there is a government capable of action marx points out that the times own reasoning contradicts itself as well to be sure the oddest means ever hit upon for the consolidation of a government consists in the seizure of its territory and the sequestration of its revenue in palmerston s designs these initial press voices were subsequently joined by minor ministerial oracles officials spokesmen and sources in the task of systematically belaboring him that is the public in the same contradictory style for four weeks until public opinion had at last become sufficiently trained to the idea of a joint intervention in mexico although kept in deliberate ignorance of the aim and purpose of that intervention the volume of the reports and the contradictions within and among what are known to be well informed sources deflect discussion from the intervention itself to the spurious discussion of its motives while at the same time concealing the real considerations behind it the orchestrated pattern of disagreement and debate executes a calculated tactic these four weeks of preparation ended when the official french press announced that an agreement had been reached the french papers announced that the mexican ports would be seized if the mexican government did not then cooperate troops would move inland and occupy mexico city and a strong government would be imported into the republic we might note that the latter two points had never figured in the initial reports in london in november after the governments have officially committed themselves to intervention the times speaks to the issue again marx underlines the absolute incongruity of its response everybody ignorant of its connection with palmerston and the original introduction in its columns of his scheme would be induced to consider the to day s leader of the times as the most cutting and merciless satire on the whole adventure it sets out by stating that the expedition is a very remarkable one later on it says a curious one three states are combining to coerce a fourth into good behavior not so much by way of war as by authoritative interference in behalf of order authoritative interference in behalf of order this is literally the holy alliance slang and sounds very remarkable indeed on the part of england glorying in the non intervention principle and why is the way of war and of declaration of war and all other behests of international law supplanted by an authoritative interference in behalf of order because says the times there exists no government in mexico and what is the professed aim of the expedition to address demands to the constituted authorities at mexico absurdly contradictory in its assumptions and ludicrous its euphemisms the only way to find a coherent intention in this report is to understand it as marx supposes a substantial part of the public already does as an expression of palmerston s designs marx singles out a final decisive contradiction the times still claims that satisfaction of debts and protection of foreign nationals are the goal of the intervention but then concedes that the measures to be taken far exceed what is needed to achieve those ends from this disproportion between the military means and the ostensible goals marx concludes that the purported goals have nothing at all to do with the present joint intervention in mexico and this discrepancy compels him to ask what is really going on turning to the seond argument marx reiterates that the times also disavows the significance of the debt for the intervention marx rephrases his question in sarcastic distress at the complete lack of sense on the surface of this subterfuge what then in all the world is its real or pretended aim his answer begins by picking apart the second putative goal of the intervention an authoritative interference in behalf of order the times has expressed only one reservation about the intervention namely that the european order mongers as marx calls them would not be able to agree on what mexican faction to install in the government the only point on which there may possibly be a difference between ourselves and our allies regards the government of the republic england will be content to see it remain in the hands of the liberal party which is now in power marx examines this reservation carefully and shows that in fact it assumes that there is a functioning government that has begun to restore order from these assumptions he draws the conclusion obvious to all involved that the intervention will instead of extinguishing restore anarchy to its full bloom once in behalf of order is substracted from the rationale there remains only interference the civil war momentarily prevents the u s from actively resisting intervention and palmerston hopes to take advantage of this obstacle to american resistance to overturn the monroe doctrine and establish the right of the european powers to use force in the pursuit of their interests in the americas in conjunction with his pursuit of the right of intervention palmerston is strategic expanding of his monopoly over the exercise of that right he has launched his adventure while parliament is recessed palmerston is again employing the same tactics of false representations and disregard of parliament s power that he has used on previous occasions to initiate wars he aims to reinforce those precedents for his prerogative to order interventions without the approval of parliament marx describes palmerston s ultimate goal in sweeping terms with the control over foreign wars parliament will lose all control over the national exchequer and parliamentary government turn to a mere farce marx s reading of the london press on the intervention in mexico assumes that these press accounts cannot be taken at face value they furnish evidence of foreign policy but they do not reliably describe the motives or content of policy press reporting functions as an instrument in complex political designs the press reports are intended by the place and sequence of their publication and by their putatively authentic accounts to render the ultimate intervention plausible while concealing its actual motives and goals a careful reading can retrieve even from deceptive press reports some of the suppositions about the state of affairs that do underlie the unspoken goals no matter how careful the reading of logic and publication however only informed reference to the history of governments and of politicians allows marx to construe the policy that wields these reports as instruments to attain public assent to monstrous enterprises conclusion when we read what marx had to say about public opinion and foreign policy even after a hundred and fifty years his arguments evoke a sense of recognition and familiarity this affinity of his analyses with our own experiences with politics and the press easily furnishes reason enough to read and discuss these articles today beyond the resonance of these insights the articles provide a pertinent example for communist analysis and criticism of the media they do not provide a theory of public opinion we cannot even extract a definitive model of communist media analysis from them history does no allow us that luxury at the very least though marx s analyses do demonstrate three themes essential to our media analyses how the accumulation of capital and the capitalist organization of the media establish the technical and social basis for the collaboration of state and media how this collaboration results not just from the social relations and political institutions particular to a historical moment but from particular individuals acting within those relations and institutions and how editorial management employs specific techniques to manipulate representations of foreign affairs in order to manufacture public opinion because the accumulation of capital has advanced fantastically because the technologies produced by that accumulation have proliferated and because the social relations and political institutions in the u s today differ greatly from 1860s england contemporary media criticism on these lines will necessarily look different from marx s criticism of the times but marx made fundamental points about these processes that retain their force the ruling class and their political executives pursue monstrous enterprises when they organize these enterprises they employ covert and collusive means important among their collusions are the combinations of report producers and politicians who manage the media and manufacture public opinion today these points have become harder to convey in no small part because the opinion mongers in order to protect themselves have through their opinion commodities attempted to immunize their audiences against these very arguments the mere fact that marx argued in this way does not make these arguments more plausible or persuasive marx s analysis and criticism of the london press in his day does demonstrate that these arguments fall solidly within the scope of a materialist critique of the media our challenge is to find the audience for them and communicate persuasive arguments in which we connect concretely the opinion mongers to the order mongers and their reports to their enterprises posted by qlipoth at 4 23 pm 33 comments monday september 08 2014 marx does media analysis 1 the recent twitter controversies about the tag oppornpixie involved some serious questions about how communist criticism of the media works as a follow up i want to bring attention to some articles marx wrote in 1861 for the new york daily tribune marx had a long standing concern with the press and its political role marx worked as newspaper editor in germany twice during the 1840s throughout the 1850s into the mid 1860s he was a foreign correspondent for several papers as an editor he regularly analyzed and criticized the positions taken in other papers as a correspondent in 1861 he began writing about british responses to the civil war for the tribune s readers in america during a period in 1861 when parliament was not in session marx wrote repeatedly about the coverage of the war in the british press in these articles marx sketches a brief clear and explicit materialist media analysis the most substantial part of this sketch appears in the article the london times and lord palmerston in this article marx aims to do more than simply inform his american audience about british attitudes toward the war instead of just telling them what people in britain thought or what the british press said he instructs politically interested american readers in how to read the british press and to understand the connection of the press to public opinion these instructions explain the forces in british politics and their operations the article describes how the british press became one of these forces and how the government integrated the press into its operations marx assumes that for politically conscious readers to grasp the practical meaning of newspaper writing they would need to understand the press as an active element in political relations the article also exemplifies the connection between marx s theoretical work on political economy and his journalistic criticism of politics and media in 1858 marx had completed the manuscript known today as the grundrisse in it he sketched a comprehensive conceptually integrated critique of political economy in 1859 he had published a contribution to the critique of political economy in this short work he discussed two key concepts in his critique money and the commodity but did not attempt a systematic exposition of capital in august of 1861 three months before he wrote this article marx had begun work on what is today known as the economic manuscript of 1861 1863 no longer available at the mars engels internet archive his next major work in the critique the manuscript comprised the first draft of capital thus whe...