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l economic institutions this means that so long as corbyn maintains his anti internationalist position and prevents a resurgent labour party from developing its own left internationalist position then he is something of a liability for the broader sanders varoufakis project however these tensions will never be publicly acknowledged by any of these actors given the threats from the authoritarian right in the us the uk and europe open criticism by sanders or varoufakis against corbyn could be fatal to the broader goal of reviving the left nonetheless corbyn will remain a drag because of his refusal to think about reforming the eu based on democratic and leftist principles in the mean time the uk might crash out of europe and contribute to a broader global economic decline if not an outright crisis in search of a strategic narrative august 1 2018 august 3 2026 leave a comment the left s inability to develop a comprehensive foreign policy is once again attracting attention some of this is driven by ocasio cortez s pending entrance into congress and her less than clear position on israel and palestine but it also builds upon the staleness of existing us foreign policy ideas like rapp hooper and lissner paul staniland argues that opposing trump s foreign policy shouldn t mean that we accept the claims of mainstream foreign policy intellectuals they glorify the liberal order as justification for reverting to liberal hegemony what we need is an alternative yet none is apparent much of the writing about left foreign policy has focused on the absence of organizational infrastructure like think tanks and big donors which can churn out policy papers on various issues for decisionmakers like aoc but the problem is actually deeper than that we don t know how to translate vague left wing sentiments into actual policy for example us progressives routinely support a more diplomatic approach toward foreign affairs rather than a militarized one these perspectives are strongest among millennials who have likely been disillusioned by the iraq war and have abandoned liberal exceptionalism as a national identity but what does that mean in practice how would a democratic politician operationalize that feeling into actual policy proposals which could be advanced in congress or perhaps by a left wing president no one really knows and that s not a problem that can be easily solved with a think tank what s missing is a leftist strategic narrative or what freedman calls a strategic script according to laura roselle and her co authors a strategic narrative is a representation of us identity including its role in world politics and the kind of world order that it wants to build when policymakers articulate such narratives they can rationalize policy approaches that deal with various issue areas take the standard narrative articulated by advocates of liberal hegemony the establishment grand strategy supported by mainstream republicans and democrats they define the united states in terms of a liberal exceptionalist identity and a historical mission to spread liberal democracy across the world this narrative requires that the united states dominate the globe to ensure the stability of the liberal world order even if that means violating the order s rules it s an extremely familiar story to us because it has dominated our understanding of us national identity and world order for decades arguably going back to woodrow wilson when politicians like hillary clinton adopt this narrative it justifies the use of us military power to expand the liberal order think of the libya intervention and the pursuit of trade agreements like tpp which prioritize private ownership of property and market competitiveness the economic values consistent with the liberal narrative that same story provides a script for think tanks when making foreign policy recommendations it suggests which actions by the united states will enable it to realize its interests while simultaneously precluding others the narrative is really more important than the institutions the former gives the latter their reason for existing and tells them what kinds of ideas politicians who adopt the narrative will likely support this is what the left is lacking a strategic narrative around which it can build a coherent foreign policy we see this absence of a story about self when we consider how leftists are contesting control for the democratic party as max berger demonstrates the left lacks a political identity that fuses the various strands of the left s coalition into a coherent narrative since we have yet to define the national identity of the united states or desired for world order the social movements which comprise the resurgent political left can t figure out what they want in terms of foreign affairs walzer and others suggest why this is the case in general the left can t get beyond it s anti american identity one which leads us to form exclusive cliques and reject anyone who doesn t share a commitment for world revolution and pure communism it s impossible to build a foreign policy based on that story hence we don t have one and we ignore all the good left wing foreign policy material which is already lying around amitav acharya claims that we live in a multiplex or pluralist world order one that requires a great power concert for global stability patrick porter makes a similar argument that emphasizes a balance of power states would resolve their disputes through consensus respect each other s security interests and acknowledge their cultural differences right here is a grand strategy concert and a vision for world order multiplex pluralism that can maintain an internationalist us foreign policy posture without hegemonic dominance we re only missing one complementary element of a left strategic narrative namely a national identity i think that s pluralism or a political philosophy in which peoples of different cultural backgrounds coexist with each other in a democratic society and respect each other s rights and political claims my understanding of pluralism is informed by chantal mouffe s theory of radical democracy i think it best defines the ideal united states for leftists a person of any race religion or gender orientation would have their rights respected on the basis of their particular identity no one s freedom would be dependent on assimilating into a white liberal society defined by individualism and heteronormative gender assumptions pluralism also means that we don t have to define ourselves as little capitalists whose lives revolve on the accumulation of wealth we could live without being dominated by the market in any way we please so long as we don t impose our will upon others in other words pluralism allows us to define the united states in terms of both liberty and equality rather than just one or the other if scaled up to the global level pluralism allows us to recognize other nations and peoples as different yet equal partners in maintaining world order a commitment to diplomacy consistent with a concert strategy and a multiplex system specific policy proposals which seek to resolve conflict through diplomacy could be entertained within this narrative for example michael o hanlon argues that the us can deescalate tensions with russia by treating non nato eastern european states as neutral this effective moratorium on nato expansion would be the policy extension of a concert strategy the united states would limit its influence in russia s near abroad and agree to resolve disputes in the region through negotiation rather than unilateral action many leftists would likely support this idea because it involves treating russia as an equal rather than a subordinate by accepting a more restrained us foreign policy but no one talks about it currently because it doesn t fit into anyone s story about what the united states should do regarding russia if a pluralist narrative existed o hanlon s proposal would be more prominent in discussions about us russia relations one might question however whether or not this strategic narrative and subsequent policies will be supported by the public as guido girgenti asked would this proposal just strand a leftist politician between centrists who support liberal hegemony and hard leftists who want revolution my feeling is no an internationalism without hegemony foreign policy would likely be supported by most democrats especially after the failures of the iraq war their tolerance of democrats who embrace liberal hegemony is more habit than a conscious choice give them an alternative and they ll take it it would also attract millennials who themselves are the most diverse generation of americans they want an internationalist alternative to trump s nationalism but without the insistence on us military domination over others and a die hard commitment to liberal capitalism i think it would also attract lots of hard leftists particularly those who accept the need for major institutional reform now the only leftists we lose are those who demand ideological purity and have no real interest in building power they would never support a coherent left foreign policy anyway the resistance by some leftists to a dsa endorsement of cynthia nixon is a clear example my argument above is not meant to imply that think tanks are irrelevant they are not and we do need them but we still need to clearly develop a story about foreign policy which can connect policy to politicians and left constituencies that strategic narrative is probably a pluralist one once leftists start talking about the united states and world order in this way we can establish the rhetorical story around which think tanks can offer policy and maybe in the process we could even think about economic regulation at the global level that limits the assimilating and exploitative tendencies of capitalism i actually think walzer s proposal for a left foreign policy is wrong see here new working paper pluralist strategic narratives and us foreign policy july 27 2018 july 27 2018 leave a comment i m presenting a manuscript today at isa flacso in quito ecuador it s entitled pluralist strategic narratives and us foreign policy in this paper i attempt to flesh out many of the ideas about us grand strategy and world order i ve developed over the past couple years overall it argues that a pluralist strategic narrative can enable the united states to realize a great power concert and create international institutions that regulate the world economy if you re interested in reading it you can download it here this paper is a work in progress so comments are welcome but please do not cite it without permission the stubborn rhetoric of moderate democrats july 4 2018 july 4 2018 leave a comment alexandria ocasio cortez s primary victory demonstrated the growing strength of leftists in the democratic party big ideas like socialism however ill defined are no longer taboo and more specific policy goals like the abolition of ice must be taken seriously the democratic base is moving left and this poses a problem for moderate democrats who have traditionally defined the party s identity how should moderates relate to the rising left and also vice versa both factions have uncompromising positions moderate democrats like nancy pelosi say that ocasio cortez s ideas are valid only for ny14 and should otherwise be ignored hard leftists demand that all democrats must toe their line or risk a primary challenge if both factions hold to these positions we ll be unable to form a winning coalition across congressional districts composed of various constituencies and win congress this is the worst of all outcomes because it guarantees that the trump administration will have no institutional check on its authoritarian abuses of power for the next two years to avoid this left progressives who live in swing districts in which a hard left candidate would lose may have to accommodate moderates to win a single congressional seat even though their policy positions might not perfectly line up in my mind that s worth it to get actual socialists from safe progressive districts like ocasio cortez into a congressional majority if the party can be a big tent moderates and left progressives can both get what they want but they have to agree to coexist consider what this means for leftist demands to abolish ice even if moderate democrats disagree with this policy position perhaps because they represent a district like ny19 they cannot bluntly say they are against abolishing ice if a moderate answers yes they make progressives vulnerable to attack from the hard left and force them to question their commitment to the democratic coalition ultimately weakening it and potentially breaking it apart and since weak coalitions usually don t win elections moderates can t afford to do this as greg sargent of the washington post demonstrates the entire question about ice itself as a rhetorical trap created by republicans that attempts to force a debate among democrats that divides them moderate democrats shouldn t take the bait they have to approach ice in such a way that enables them to maintain a moderate progressive coalition despite their contradictory policy positions here rhetoric and framing is extremely important moderate democrats have to engage in multivocal signaling otherwise known as speaking out of both sides of one s mouth they must speak to multiple audiences at the same time and gain their support despite the fact that those audiences understand their rhetorical statement in different ways that resonate with their different identities now some people might say that s bullshit politicians should mean what they say that s cute but building a majority coalition always involves some degree of speaking to multiple audiences moderates have to say something like ice represents a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing it must end deportations immediately and be completely reorganized to ensure it no longer violates the human rights and due process of undocumented immigrants as opposed to i don t believe in abolishing ice something like this statement can appeal to progressives because it resonates with their defense of immigrants although it doesn t perfectly line up with their policy preferences let the media read between the lines and discern the policy meaning most people won t catch the nuance if moderate democrats do this they can broker a coalition that wins elections it they don t perhaps because they stubbornly want to spite the left to recreate some mythical political center then they will produce a fractured political coalition that will likely lose much like hillary clinton in 2016 we work in a coalition or not at all rhetoric included the liberal paradox of walzer s left foreign policy june 30 2018 august 3 2026 1 comment there s a growing sense that the old consensus on american foreign policy is a habit held by policymakers that is no lon...