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favicon.ico: tenthmedieval.wordpress.com/2016/07 - July | 2016 | A Corner of Tent.

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site title: July 2016 A Corner of Tenth-Century Europe

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description=8 posts published by Jonathan Jarrett during July 2016;

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ons archaeology celts england france institutions picts romans scandinavia spain tagged asturias authority and power álvaro carvahal castro óskar sveinbjarnarson bede beowulf conferences douglas bolender durham fortifications iceland ireland jan henrik fallgren kalamazoo león literacy lordship maj britt frenze peasants rhynie settlement archaeology shane bobrycki sherri olson the quiet return of the ruler of all posted on 26 july 2016 1 comment long term readers may remember a post from when i was teaching on medieval views of the apocalypse in which i looked at some charters from st pierre de beaulieu that mention the end of the world every now and then and then stopped doing so somewhere around the year 1000 i m still interested in that kind of inverse evidence for a phenomenon in which what we can actually see is concern stopping and i think that last year i found another sort consider in 843 the synod of constantinople under the empress theodora as regent for her son michael iii and patriarch methodios relegalised the veneration of images of heavenly persons or icons in the byzantine empire 1 meanwhile at some point between 842 when theodora s husband theophilos died and she assumed the regency for their son and 856 when she demitted the regency the gold coinage of the empire began to show a portrait of christ on it and it would continue to feature either him the virgin or a saint and often more than one from then on until the empire s final end in 1453 2 this was therefore the beginning of something big and it seems to have begun with the end of the condemnation of icons one i couldn t source from the barber institute s collection alas a gold solidus of emperor michael iii and empress theodora struck in constantinople between 842 and 856 sold in classical numismatic group auction no 64 lot 1330 this is not true in a way because it didn t quite begin here you may even remember a very similar looking portrait on the barber institute coins of justinian ii s first reign 685 695 which i told you all about in march 2015 it would be very neat to be able to say that the promotion of iconoclasm by emperor leo iii meant the removal of christ from the coinage but it won t work for one thing we are as you may remember no longer sure that leo iii really did very much about icons one way or the other and for another and more important thing it was justinian ii s initial successor leontius 695 698 who removed christ from the coinage not leo iii 717 741 justinian restored a slightly different portrait of christ to the coins in his second reign but that was stopped by his immediate successor philippikos 711 713 leo and his descendants certainly did change the coinage but mainly by putting themselves on it to the exclusion of almost everything else and it has frustrated a number of scholars who have hitherto accepted the idea that iconoclasm was an all consuming state policy which divided the whole empire that not only does the coinage not show any other trace of this almighty schism but the coins of the supposedly pro and anti parties don t even really differ 3 so why should the reappearance of christ supposedly distinguished by his long hair and gospel book as the pantokrator ruler of all already be connected either gold solidus of emperor justinian ii struck at constantinople in 692 695 barber institute of fine arts b4381 well whether or not iconoclasm had been a big deal under leo iii it had certainly become one by 843 the whole issue had provoked a three way theological dispute with the papacy and the carolingian empire and become a casus belli for several coups because like bullying someone for whatever makes them different any excuse will do for that perhaps but it became effective propaganda 4 this is the spirit in which our principal written sources for the controversy were written and the whole reason why our perspectives on leo iii and his son constantine v are so warped by them 5 thus whether or not the removal of christ from the coinage had been for theological reasons or just to make it clear that justinian ii and all his policies were now gone for those that knew those coins and someone obviously had some of them coins at the mint to copy it would have been seen as theologically motivated by 843 this is how i am trying to get away with arguing that the changes to the coinage in 695 and 711 were not to do with theology and that in 842 856 was but if you will accept it it s another of these cases like the beaulieu apocalypse charters in which our sources only expose that something was a concern once it ended 1 see leslie brubaker john haldon byzantium in the iconcoclast era c 650 850 a history cambridge 2011 pp 447 452 2 i met this fact for the first time while reading franz füeg corpus of the nomismata from anastasius ii to john i in constantinople 713 976 structure of the issues corpus of coin finds contribution to the iconographic and monetary history transl h thomas hofmänner ed italo vecchi lancaster pa 2007 where the issues of 843 are discussed p 30 and illustrated p 76 but i don t by any means accept füeg s close dating of the issue for which there is no firm basis 3 frustration evident in philip d whitting iconoclasm and the byzantine coinage in university of birmingham historical journal vol 12 birmingham 1971 pp 158 163 on the actual coins see philip grierson byzantine coins london 1982 pp 150 187 but even he performs this same double think in which the coinage is unchanged by the advent of iconoclasm but irene s changes to it must be explained in its light not in the light of her having murdered her son the emperor p 158 and theodora s restoration of christ to the coinage p 178 is also an iconodule move only the latter seems justified and even that underexamined 4 for the western side of the story see thomas f x noble images iconoclasm and the carolingians philadelphia pa 2009 5 this is the basic argument of brubaker haldon byzantium in the iconoclast era the sources in question are accordingly discussed in john haldon leslie brubaker byzantium in the iconoclast era the sources an annotated survey birmingham byzantine and ottoman monographs 7 aldershot 2001 see also leslie brubaker inventing byzantine iconoclasm bristol 2012 52 425450 1 933466 1 comment posted in byzantium currently reading now working on numismatics tagged coinage feast of orthodoxy iconoclasm leo iii michael iii theodora kalamazoo 2015 part 3 posted on 24 july 2016 2 comments continuing the press through my reporting backlog we now reach the third day of the 2015 international congress on medieval studies or as it s otherwise known kalamazoo 16th may 2015 time is as ever short and the subject matter ageing so i shall try and just do my brief list and comment format and i m happy to provide more if they tweak people s interest but this is what i saw and some of what i thought early medieval europe iii obviously not one i could miss given the participants eric j goldberg the hunting death of king carloman ii 884 cullen j chandler nationalism and the late carolingian march phyllis jestice when duchesses were dukes female dukes and the rhetoric of power in tenth century germany professor goldberg made a good attempt to rehabilitate the reputation of king carloman ii who did indeed get himself killed in a boar hunt thereby wrecking western francia s chance of carolingian security but who had also received the text of advice we know as the de ordine palatii from archbishop hincmar of rheims and the acts of whose single council speak in moralising terms of reform and a return to old law in a way that suggests he had taken it to heart and intended to rule like the right sort of king had the boar not won in one of the court s fairly essential mutual displays of valour it might justly be noted as did professor goldberg that the hunt was happening on a royal estate freshly recovered from the vikings as usual it turns out not to be simple cullen made a fresh attempt at explaining the details of count marquis borrell ii s undesired escape from frankish over rule in the years 985 987 without the national determinism that the standard catalan scholarship has attached to those events painting borrell s position as one of local legitimacy via multiple fidelities to powerful rulers rather than independència i might not quite agree preferring to see something like a serial monogamous königsfern to use cullen s own concept but there s no doubt that nationalism distorts all our perspectives 1 lastly professor jestice looked at three german noblewomen judith duchess of burgundy beatrice duchess of upper lotharingia and hedwig duchess of swabia over the 960s to 980s during which time all of them were in various ways in charge of their duchies in the absence of an adult male ruler and who were all addressed as dux duke as we translate it in the masculine in that time and were awarded charters and held courts like the rulers in whose places we usually consider them to have stood as professor jestice said it s a lot easier just to say that they exercised power in their own right isn t it after all when duke dietrich of lotharingia threw his mother out of power the pope imposed a penance on him so you have to wonder if their categories were where we expect them to be questions here were mainly about the gendering of the language and whether it actually has significance but the point is surely that we can t mark a clear difference between these women and their male counterparts so should maybe stop doing it 432 money in the middle ages another obviously required choice with later ramifications i couldn t have anticipated andrei gândilâ modern money in a pre modern economy fiduciary coinage in early byzantium lee mordechai east roman imperial spending and the eleventh century crisis lisa wolverton war politics and the flow of cash on the german czech polish frontier andrei opened up a question i have since pursued with him in other places thanks not least to lee it s all very circular which is how was byzantine small change valued from anastasius 491 518 until the mid ninth century byzantine copper alloy coinage usually carried a face value which related to the gold coinage in which tax and military salaries were paid in ways we are occasionally told about but its size didn t just vary widely with old 20 nummi pieces sometimes being bigger than newer 40 nummi ones but was occasionally increased or restored while old roman and byzantine bronze coins continued to run alongside this stuff in circulation at values we don t understand 2 it seems obvious that the state could set the value of these coinages in ways that look very modern but the supporting economic framework is largely invisible to us as yet lee meanwhile retold the economic history of the eleventh century byzantine empire which is as he observed often graphed by means of tracking gold fineness but could instead be seen as a series of policy reversals by very short lived emperors that only alexios i komnenos hero of that particular narrative even had time to address in a way that had a chance of lasting 3 lastly professor wolverton pointed at how often money was involved in the making and breaking of relations across her chosen frontier and argued that more should be done with this by historians with which i am certainly not going to argue although discussion made it seem as if the first problem is going to be the numbers provided by her sources then coffee much needed and to the next building for 472 rethinking medieval maps rebecca darley eating the edge of the world in book eleven of the christian topography thomas franke exceeding expectations appeasement and subversion in the catalan atlas 1375 chet van duzer a neglected type of mappamundi and its re imaging in the mare historiarum bnf ms lat 4995 fo 26v anne derbes rethinking maps in late medieval italy giusto de menabodi s creation of the world in the baptistery of padua most of this session was somewhat late for me though not uninteresting but as keen readers will know rebecca darley s research just about meets mine at byzantium she was here arguing in general that in the early middle ages maps were not tools to be used to find things but ways of imaging space that could not actually be experienced and used the sixth century alexandrian text known as the christian topography as an example it argues in ten books for a flat world the shape of the tabernacle but then apparently adding an eleventh using quite different source materials to describe the voyage by sea to india and sri lanka with details of the animals from there that the author had seen or indeed eaten the thing is that the book s earlier maps don t show india or sri lanka at all and the cited animals and foods make it seem that the author wasn t at all clear where they really were they were not abstract enough to be mapped but could be directly experienced qed the world map from the christian topography of cosmas worldmapcosmasindicopleustes by cosmas indicopleustes 6th century les sciences au moyen age pour la science licensed under public domain via commons then mr franke introduced us or at least me to the catalan atlas a world map made by a jewish artist for king peter iii or aragón in 1375 which according to mr franke encodes in its numerous labels of sacred and indeed apocalyptic locations and portrayals of their associated persons a message that antichrist will look like the real christ and that jews will not be associated with him an eight page montage of the catalan atlas in its paris manuscript by abraham cresques bibliothèque nationale de fance public domain https commons wikimedia org w index php curid 41309380 mr van duzer for his part introduced us to another map as conceptual diagram not the well known t o map but a sort of v in a box that shows the different destinations of the sons of noah about the continents as per the bible developed and more less forgotten in the seventh century but revived in his fourteenth century example manuscript as a vertical projection of a curved earth all of which together is more or less unparalleled paris bibliothèque nationale de france ms lat 4915 fo 26v showing the division of the world between the races lastly professor derbes described a world map that can be found in the sixteenth century baptistery of padua built by the carrara family as part of a larger effort of showing off the learning and artistry which they could command as with much of the session all i could do with this was nod and enjoy the pictures but the pictures were all pretty good and that was it for the third day of papers once again i didn t do any of the evening sessions but instead hunted dinner in kalamazoo proper which the waiter told us was among other things the first home of the gibson les paul guitar this also means i missed the dance which is becoming something of a worrying conference trend and perhaps something i should combat at kalamazoo at least b...
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