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description= 8 posts published by Jonathan Jarrett during August 2016;
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the, and, in, medieval, of, early, leeds, world, archives, history, imc, report, for, 2015, part, century, byzantine, frontiers, islamic, networks, ii, monthly, august, 2016, debunking, book, review, dealings, with, jerusalem, before, eleventh, remains, modern, cesma, field, trip, to, shrewsbury, another, gathering, byzantinists, birmingham, seminar, ccxxxix, fragments, father, 539, texts, politics, long, 10th, western, kingdom, 641, re, formed, coinage, renewed, meaning, using, imitating, disposing, coins, far, beyond, imperial, 733, vi, iberia, 814, neighbours, iv, tracing, aristocratic, three, kingdoms, 233, provinces, syria, west, 325, byzantium, context, environment, economy, power, crisis, renewal, 401, europe, lecture, recent, comments, see, something, wrong, blogroll, currently, reading, institutions, tourism, pictures, personal, webpages, resources, email, subscription, rss, feed,
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harlow 1987 pp 305 339 but now as i say there is also geoffrey koziol the politics of memory and identity in carolingian royal diplomas the west frankish kingdom 840 987 turnhout 2012 and we re still reacting 2 on this i cannot resist citing koziol is robert i in hell the diploma for saint denis and the mind of a rebel king jan 25 923 in early medieval europe vol 14 oxford 2006 pp 233 267 which is fun 3 on gerberga see simon maclean reform queenship and the end of the world in tenth century france adso s letter on the origin and time of the antichrist in revue belge de philologie et d histoire vol 86 bruxelles 2008 pp 645 675 doi 10 3406 rbph 2008 7582 4 i m wrong because i hadn t realised quite how early the visigothic copper coinage we know about was and it almost certainly wasn t still running by 711 he s wrong because it existed at all dammit see miquel crusafont i sabater the copper coinage of the visigoths of spain in mário gomes marques and d michael metcalf edd problems of medieval coinage in the iberian area a symposium held by the sociedade numismática scalabitana and the instituto de sintra on 4 8 october 1988 santarém 1988 pp 35 70 but now also crusafont jaume benages jaume noguera guillén eduard ble gimeno pau valdés matias tomi cartes xavier sicart joan enric vila la sèrie de plata de la monarquia visigoda in acta numismàtica vol 45 2014 pp 71 80 which changes the picture quite a lot 5 that work being luís agustín garcía moreno historia de españa visigoda madrid 1989 to which one might for example compare javier arce martínez the visigoths in spain old and new historical problems in walter pohl veronika wieser edd der frühmittelalterliche staat europäische perspektiven forschungen zur geschichte des mittelalters 16 wien 2009 pp 31 42 53 799461 1 600789 4 comments posted in anglo saxons byzantium carolingians charters islamic crescent numismatics scandinavia spain tagged al andalus aristocrats authority and power berbers burial archaeology charles the simple china ed roberts eduardo manzano florent audy fraser mcnair geoffrey koziol horst loßlein india karen torres de rosa lin ying louis the foreigner maastricht mateusz wilk nicola clarke northumbria paulo henrique de carvalho pachá rebecca darley renato rodrigues de silva umayyads visigothic spain dealings with jerusalem before the eleventh century posted on 21 august 2016 6 comments a vice that i am prone to is that of poking at other people s research areas without knowing very much about it as has often been evidenced here i won t link out of embarrassment nonetheless i can t help it if someone is doing something interesting it seems only natural to me to turn it around and over mentally looking for the questions that i would ask if i were doing this thing this post is about such a question and i can t remember exactly what sparked it off it may have been getting ready to teach carolingians and picking up on the peculiar ways in which charlemagne s empire tried to make itself felt in the mediterranean but it is more likely to have been sparked by a conversation with daniel reynolds currently of birmingham who is the person whose research area this is and who will doubtless be the one to tell me what s wrong with this post 1 medieval map of jerusalem source unclear dan is a man who works on a broad swathe of related things but central to many of them is the theme of pilgrimage to jerusalem in the era before the crusades it s not that there is no work on this but it is almost all done from the perspective of the pilgrims and jerusalem itself its community and its patriarchal rulers are not really studied as part of what was going on or such is the argument 2 and fair enough i shall leave that to him and await his publications eagerly but thinking about this left me with a question of my own which he will in fact probably answer but still has me wondering meanwhile if you look at the very few times that we know about the actual patriarchs being involved in contact with the west other than supposedly providing bags of relics to passing pilgrims until the tenth century at least it was really distant rulers with whom they engaged st martin of tours if he counts as a ruler st radegund of poitiers who was at least royal charlemagne and louis the pious as kings of the franks and the outlier case king alfred the great of wessex and sometimes though not that often the popes in rome once the tenth century gets going the number of high ranking pilgrims becomes such that the picture clouds and in the eleventh century everyone and his wife was going or so it sometime seems but before that official contact was almost limited to these kings of the western seaboard rulers with at best a contested presence on the mediterranean coast and at worst none 3 odd no the aedicule inside the church of the holy sepulchre jerusalem containing the tomb that is said to be jesus s as it now is photo by jlascar https www flickr com photos jlascar 10350934835 cc by 2 0 https commons wikimedia org w index php curid 34030982 it s usually clear enough what these rulers got from their contact with the holy sepulchre that being the reinforcement of their position and status by the recognition of christ s own shrine and its custodians although that only had the value it did because so few other people put themselves in a position to claim it only charlemagne could be said to have provided anything very much for the patriarchs and the actual church of jerusalem however and they had to make some pretty big gestures to get even that that probably being a hostel for frankish pilgrims and a certain amount of support for refurbishment of the city s churches 4 alfred sent alms at least but it s not really clear what more they could give or what the patriarchs wanted from them apart from recognition themselves i suppose was this something they didn t get much of closer to home medieval image of the council of chalcedon 451 source unclear well it doesn t take long to think of reasons why that might be so from pretty much the year 451 the christian church of the empire was riven by disputes over the nature of christ s incarnation as man exactly how divine he remained and how far he took on human characteristics this sounds like a fine point for theologians only but consider if he was not really human but fully divine and therefore omnipotent and immortal the meaning of his sacrifice on the cross becomes hard to see whereas if he was entirely human then it was in some sense not really god who died for us robbing the sacrifice of much of its significance it gets right at the heart of christian belief if you let it 5 a middle way proved hard to find and for much of the middle ages jerusalem was not on the same path as the imperial capital at constantinople such was the case when the persians captured the city in 614 and when emperor heraclius returned the true cross to jerusalem in 630 he didn t let it stay there long for precisely that reason then within a few years the city fell to the armies of islam and was in some sense cut off from the empire its patriarchs still went to a few councils perhaps because no one dared tell justinian ii no but the emperors in constantinople were in some sense enemies of the lords of the land in a way that perhaps the westerners were not 6 but it s still surprising that we don t know of more contact across this boundary the empire was for a while shipping in money for its erstwhile citizens after all exterior of the church of the holy sepulchre photo by http www flickr com photos jlascar http www flickr com photos jlascar 10350972756 in set 72157636698118263 cc by 2 0 https commons wikimedia org w index php curid 30052661 again this changed in the eleventh century as the byzantines muscled back in to some kind of management of the christian places of the city which had indeed suffered considerably under caliph al hakim 996 1021 7 but before then can it really be that the franks looked like a safer better bet or was it perhaps a problem finding interested support any closer to home was jerusalem seen as enemy territory in some way or was it just that all the good relics were in constantinople already and fascination with the actual places was a more western phenomenon 8 i don t know the answers to these questions i probably know a man who does but for now it seems a sort of fun to indicate what my questions with me being an outsider to this bit of the field would be if i started in on it 1 no way perhaps more peculiar than the apparent carolingian period survey of the holy land s churches edited and studied in michael mccormick charlemagne s survey of the holy land wealth personnel and buildings of a mediterranean church between antiquity and the middle ages with a critical edition and translation of the original text washington dc 2011 as for dan some of his work is already available as peter darby and daniel reynolds reassessing the jerusalem pilgrims the case of bede s de locis sanctis in bulletin for the council for british research in the levant vol 9 london 2014 pp 27 31 doi 10 1179 1752726014z 00000000022 2 certainly true of my two default references on the subject which i use for lack of any others sir steven runciman the pilgrimages to palestine before 1095 in kenneth m setton ed a history of the crusades volume 1 the first hundred years ed marshall w baldwin 2nd edn madison wi 1969 pp 68 80 online here and aryeh grabois charlemagne rome and jerusalem in revue belge de philologie et d histoire vol 58 bruxelles 1980 pp 792 809 doi 10 3406 rbph 1981 3349 but also surprisingly common if less so overall in a more recent work i found while setting up this post colin morris the sepulchre of christ and the medieval west from the beginning to 1600 oxford 2005 the classic work for people in the field seems however to be john wilkinson jerusalem pilgrims before the crusades 2nd edn warminster 2002 non vidi on whose deficiencies see darby reynolds reassessing the jerusalem pilgrims 3 i realise that both charlemagne and louis the pious could have reached the mediterranean pretty much any time they wanted but still what with venice benevento rebellions on the spanish march and so on they might not have had their choice about where to do so lists of these various dignitaries can be found in runciman pilgrimages to palestine pp 70 74 and morris sepulchre of christ pp 41 47 102 107 as well as i assume in wilkinson jerusalem pilgrims 4 see grabois charlemagne rome and jerusalem and for a more total statement of the possibilities mccormick charlemagne s survey of the holy land 5 that is kind of my teaching statement of the issue which is of course woefully and possibly heretically over simple for more detail try bernard hamilton the christian world of the middle ages stroud 2003 pp 59 99 6 morris sepulchre of christ pp 90 98 7 runciman pilgrimages to palestine pp 74 77 which notes at p 77 byzantine officials levying tolls on pilgrim traffic entering jerusalem in 1056 despite the city s continuing government by the fatimid caliphate and notional concession to charlemagne of two centuries earlier cf morris sepulchre of christ pp 134 146 8 on that continuing fascination see as well as darby reynolds reassessing the jerusalem pilgrims robert hoyland sarah waidler adomnán s de locis sanctis and the seventh century near east in english historical review vol 129 oxford 2014 pp 787 807 53 799461 1 600789 6 comments posted in anglo saxons byzantium carolingians frontiers islamic crescent tagged alfred the great charlemagne daniel reynolds embassies jerusalem patriarchs pilgrimage leeds imc report for 2015 part 1 posted on 13 august 2016 5 comments it s a bit ridiculous isn t it this backlog but yet it does reduce and as a result i am now into the veritable height of the european medievalist s conference season the international medieval congress at what is now my home base at the university of leeds now in fact on this first day of the congress there was a lot of sorting out of that home aspect so i missed the keynote lectures and the first session of papers but finally arriving during the monday lunchbreak i was able to begin the academic day like this 233 the early islamic world ii provinces and frontiers syria and the west corisande fenwick berbers and borderlands frontier society in north africa anna leone marco nebbia ralf bockmann hafed abdouli moftah haddad and ahmed masud changing landscape in the 8th century to the 10th century the case of the jebel nefiya and tripolitania denis genequand elites in the countryside recent research on the umayyad desert castles i went to this session partly because of knowing corisande partly because of a vague fascination with the umayyad desert palaces that has occasionally shown itself here and mainly because corisande had waved the words frontier and borderlands at us usually guaranteed to catch my interest certainly the area she was looking at challenges our usual ideas of borders since the vast area of africa taken over in the umayyad conquests of the seventh century was so huge as for the presence of the notional occupiers to have to be very sporadic and consequently very concentrated which leaves a distinct archæological profile marked off by garrison architecture mosques a greater range of foodstuffs and most of all coins from military pay and beyond it really very little presence for me this paper was problematised by an assumption that corisande verbalised in questions that new buildings mean new people if there were in fact assimilation of local populations into these fortress settlements going on you could not detect it that way still the extremity of the social division was a point well put ironically the best images i can find from the sites named in this paper are of the christian church at henchir al faouar in tunisia of the other two papers the former was the more peculiar as only one of the authors had in fact been advertised on the program and she had been unable to come so the paper was read by andrew marsham and had a title that was also different from that advertised nonetheless it was interesting the team in question have been carrying out a survey of mosques over much of the old province of tripolitania in what is now libya and were now proceeding to join this up to a survey of settlements oddly the mosques are not all at the settlements which tend to cluster on hilltops in defensively clustered fashion at distances of 5 7 kilometres from each other whereas the mosques could often be in the wilds between them dating all this is the next problem since some of the settlements began in the fourth or fifth centuries and some are ottoman with pretty much everything in between too so the changing landscape had yet to become visible but the possibilities were considerable also the architecture is amazing this is thirteenth century apparently but i don t care it is the fortified granary of qasr kabaw in the jebel nafusa abou...
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