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impact of violence i ve another post on it here with a preliminary look at structural violence an earlier version of this post has appeared previously police notice listing rotte armee fraktion members heinz brockman shown on bottom row with ralf reinders in the second row share this share on x opens in new window x share on facebook opens in new window facebook email a link to a friend opens in new window email share on reddit opens in new window reddit share on pinterest opens in new window pinterest like loading posted by admin february 1 2022 february 1 2022 posted in 1970s tags bloody sunday british army international leave a comment on international reactions to bloodysunday germany and the death of erwin beelitz for fear of alienating the unionist vote bloodysunday50 when the uk s current brexit minister liz truss held a series of clandestine meetings in belfast last week it seemed clear that the tories intention is to continue to make the uk s relationship with the eu fractious and to play along with misrepresenting views in belfast as part of a public pretense of opposition to the protocol it is probably a mistake to imagine truss or tory party policy is focused on events in any part of ireland on the fiftieth anniversary of the horrors of bloody sunday revisiting some of the political dynamics that drove events reveals absurdly similar issues at play it also gives part of an answer to why bloody sunday happened the early 1970s was also a pivotal moment in the relationship of london and the european community over the course of 1971 and 1972 edward heath was trying to push his european communities bill through a reluctant house of commons the bill was instrumental in the uk joining the european economic community as the eu was then known following the 1970 general election heath had come to power intent on legislating for uk membership of the eec with 330 mps he had a slim majority of 14 and that included the 8 unionist party members returned in the north along with ian paisley gerry fitt bernadette devlin and frank mcmanus over the summer of 1971 in the lead up to the early stages of the bill the press speculated on the extent to which heath s reliance on the unionist votes was a factor in deciding security policy including in the lead up to the widespread arrest and internment of catholics in august 1971 at an early stage in october 1971 most of the unionist mps who were joined in a formal parliamentary grouping with heath s conservatives voted against the bill all of this provides a notable backdrop to the heath s perceived need to win unionists support for his european project for the crucial votes that would happen later in 1971 and early in 1972 notably over this period security policy continued to fall in line with unionist demands political reform was largely ignored you can see the types of proposals under consideration at the time and formal scrutiny of recent events was heavily sanitised such as the compton report issued in november 1971 during critical events such as the mcgurks bar bombing in december 1971 and bloody sunday in january 1972 uk government policy remained favourably aligned on unionist needs and wants despite significant international opprobrium the saddest aspect of this in many ways is that the events on bloody sunday widgery and the long drawn out process of holding the uk government to account were all a sideshow to the main strategic focus of the uk s government in 1972 not that anything has changed today given how swift the tories are to manipulate unionists in their gamesmanship with the eu on 17th february 1972 heath finally got his european vote over the line with a bare majority of eight the sum total of the unionist mps his biographer john campbell called it heath s finest hour within weeks there was a shift in security policy as first stormont was prorogued and then the british government began talks with the ira that appeared to open up all sorts of political possibilities of british withdrawal to the ira this isn t to suggest that the guiding factor in heath s security policy in the north in 1971 and 1972 was predicated upon needing unionist support to pass the european communities bill but whatever it s significance it was a factor and once the need for those unionist votes was passed the shift in emphasis in political policy against the unionists was relatively swift the following editorial captures all this under the headline heath s close call it appeared in the irish independent on 18th february 1972 to irish people who are used to dáil cliff hangers coming out in a majority of two or three for the government mr heath s majority of eight in westminster last night on the crucial e e c bill will seem small beer but in a parliament with over 600 members this vote was proportionately as close as any we have seen in leinster house in recent times now that mr heath has won his vote however it is fair to say that the crisis is over for him on this issue he can expect a gradual improvement from last night s lowest ebb with luck the coal and power crises will be things of the past in a few months time a handout budget can be expected in an effort to stimulate the economy and fight unemployment and rhodesia has already caused the westminster government its fill of embarrassment there remains northern ireland certainly mr heath has personally taken political punishment as a result of his handling of the north however last night s critical vote may now free his hand a bit to make some concessions to the minority viewpoint up to this with this crucial vote pending mr heath has had to be careful what political initiatives he even hinted at for fear of alienating the unionist vote for last night s test six of the eight unionist m p s had voted against the principle of the common market on october 28th but last night s vote had turned into a straight political fight an issue larger that the e e c question three of the six anti market northern unionists were thus free to support the government on the basis presumably that the e e c with heath was preferable to wilson with no e e c his failure to secure a bloc unionist vote however on an issue which had turned into a vote of confidence in the government means that unionist opinion is not solidly behind him one reason for this could be that some northern unionists feel that he is about to do a deal with the northern minority his hands certainly seem less tied after this vote than before it share this share on x opens in new window x share on facebook opens in new window facebook email a link to a friend opens in new window email share on reddit opens in new window reddit share on pinterest opens in new window pinterest like loading posted by admin january 30 2022 posted in 1970s uncategorized leave a comment on for fear of alienating the unionist vote bloodysunday50 weaver street tuam and bessborough as non sites of memory in 1992 mary kerr was driving along the m2 motorway in belfast at the point immediately to the east of the former location of an area known as weaver street off the york road as the name suggests weaver street had been a residential area largely occupied by mill workers and their families kerr later recounted to the sunday life newspaper how a fair haired girl aged around 11 wearing an old style dress and without shoes skipped across the motorway in front of her car when kerr looked around to see where she had went the girl was gone one year to the day later kerr read an old article which the irish news had reprinted reporting on girls killed in a bombing in weaver street on that day some 70 years previously kerr told the sunday life instinctively i knew they were connected to what i had seen that night 11 weaver street had been the scene of a horrific bombing in february 1922 an event that remained unmarked and largely unremarked in 1993 and is still barely known today little if any of belfast s dark heritage from 1919 22 is formally commemorated in the city either as if events and the violence of those years were somehow just not remembered but that absence of commemoration can be revealing in itself here i m exploring weaver street using an idea taken from studies in eastern europe that of a non site of memory the origin of the term non site of memory is explained further below this article also looks at the suitability of the concept to provide insights into the scenes of other significant episodes from twentieth century irish history such as the tuam and bessborough mother and baby homes it was a french historian pierre nora who coined the term site of memory in 1970 to describe the likes of monuments to the past or archives of historical documents nora was trying to understand the past through studying memories of events and how they are used to create histories and influence the world around them the phrase site of memory is perhaps best explained by the more accurate translation of the french term lieux de mémoire as the more awkward sounding site of remembering 1 people today are familiar with sites of memory even if they haven t heard them described as such most modern societies use monuments to commemorate historical events some such as the whitehall cenotaph in london are or have become the setting for annual rituals to display and communicate values to a contemporary audience these rituals use symbols and imagery that draw upon particular and often partisan readings of history to promote political strategies in the present or future later writers have suggested that the term sites of memory should be more restricted in its scope and exclude archives and other spaces where records are brought together instead the likes of jay winters have defined sites of memory as physical sites where commemorative acts take place noting that often in twentieth century contexts such sites are associated with wartime violence 2 winters goes on to say that sites of memory are there as points of reference not only for those who survived traumatic events but also for those born long after them the word memory becomes a metaphor for the fashioning of narratives about the past when those with direct experience of events die off sites of memory inevitably become sites of second order memory places where people remember the memories of others those who survived the events marked there others have noted that sites of memory are not necessarily spaces that can be neatly drawn on a map as andrzej szpociński has pointed out some are almost metaphorical places 3 pierre nora s interest was in understanding how memory of the past was shaped transmitted and used by societies in the 1980s his concept was explored and inverted by the french filmmaker claude lanzmann who also identified non lieux de mémoire or non sites of memory during his work on the landmark 1985 film shoah which documented the systematic murders of european jews during the second world war 4 lanzmann was referring to places that witnessed past violence but which had been configured to obscure that violence and render them in effect invisible to contemporary society completely forgotten and often minimised or excluded from historical accounts these places and the events that took place there are the antithesis of sites of memory that have monuments or plaques or host communal commemorative events such non sites of memory may even be places at which human remains were present and may continue to be present as roma sedenkya describes it these human remains typically have not been neutralized by funerary rites either through performance of religious ceremonies or completion of administrative or legal proceedings 5 these non sites often have particular characteristics such as having been abandoned an absence of memorial markers and possible evidence of reactions of fear and shame on february 13 1922 weaver street was the scene of an act of violence that winston churchill described as the worst thing which has happened in ireland in the last three years that day a man in police uniform directed catholic children in adjoining streets to go and play as a group in weaver street two other men then appeared and chatted to other men in police uniforms before threw a bomb into the middle of the children who were playing 20 30m away 6 the men then opened fire on people that come out of their houses to try and help the wounded and dying six died including four young girls while more than twenty children were wounded including a girl named mary kerr some were left with life changing injuries an incident in the adjoining milewater street months previously had also led to a number of children being wounded by gunfire three months after the bombing in may 1922 any catholic residents who had remained in the area were forced to flee around one hundred and forty eight families at a coroner s hearing on the bombing victims residents identified the role of policemen in the bombing itself and failures to gather evidence or investigate the attack the unionist government also issued disinformation to mislead about the nature of the bombing and identity of the victims today the street itself no longer exists on the map of belfast and an event deemed to be the worst thing which has happened barely features in histories of the period or as part of the decade of centenaries programmes remembering events from 100 years ago map showing location of weaver street the nearby r i c barracks is the building marked in black beside the letters t b on york road so should we regard weaver street as a non site of memory claude lanzmann and later scholars like roma senedyka used the concept of non sites of memory in an attempt to find language that might describe aspects of the horrific violence inflicted on european jews in the 1930s and 1940s and the subsequent history of those locations where the violence took place since then pierre nora s original concept sites of memory has been used to explore locations as far apart as georgia and chile 7 but can the same be done with non sites of memory in the case of weaver street some of the basic characteristics are clearly present such as a lack of physical recognition at the site and this is reinforced by noting that an absence of memorialisation to victims of the period is not universal six victims of a massacre at altnaveigh near newry in june 1922 were already commemorated with a memorial by the following summer 8 an obvious contrast here reflecting the interests of the post 1921 unionist government in belfast being that the victims at altanaveigh were protestants killed by an ira unit under orders given by frank aiken later a senior figure in the government in dublin while those at weaver street were catholic 9 after being forced from the area in may 1922 the catholic residents of weaver street and surrounding streets were dispersed over a variety of locations typically within other districts in belfast with substantial catholic populations their form...