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and, the, aztec, of, in, mexico, rulers, aztecs, history, conquest, 1521, 1565, social, political, art, sources, mexica, tenochtitlan, early, empire, identity, contents, definitions, cuauhtlatoque, polity, post, organization, economy, urbanism, religion, cultural, production, colonial, period, 1821, legacy, see, also, notes, references, bibliography, primary, english, further, reading, external, links, knowledge, central, classic, postclassic, migration, foundation, final, spanish, cuauhtémoc, deterritorialization, tlatoque, cuāuhtlahtoāni, 1525, 1536, restoration, dynastic, rulership, 1538, nobles, commoners, family, gender, altepetl, calpolli, triple, alliance, agriculture, subsistence, crafts, trades, trade, distribution, taxation, other, major, city, states, deities, mythology, worldview, calendar, human, sacrifice, cannibalism, writing, iconography, music, song, poetry, ceramics, painted, sculpture, featherwork, population, decline, continuity, change, national, international, scholarship, language, placenames, cuisine, ethnic, popular, culture, motecuzoma, ilhuicamina, axayacatl, tizoc, ahuitzotl, great, temple,

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o hide more valuables these valuables would not be recovered to the extent desired by cortés cuauhtémoc was forcefully converted to catholicism baptised under the new name fernando cuauhtémotzín relieved of his sovereignty keeping only the title of tlatoani and kept under house arrest 61 until his execution 62 an event for which there exist numerous contradicting contemporary perspectives testimonies and reasonings 63 there are however no mexica sources describing these events possibly due to the mass destruction of indigenous texts during conquest 64 cuauhtémoc was the last tlatoani with full sovereign authority as well as the last tlatoque whose title came through to him through dynastic lineage until the throne s dynastic restoration in 1538 cuāuhtlahtoāni 1525 1536 for more information on the vassal tlatloque appointed by the spanish see cuauhtlatoani spaniards dumping the bodies of the tlatoani moctezuma ii and his appointed cuauhtlatoani itzquauhtzin of tlatelolco after their execution in 1520 ce in the period immediately succeeding cuauhtémoc s deposition successors were directly installed by the spanish to facilitate easier control of their new colony this practice was employed by the spanish in numerous areas throughout the early stages of conquest this was to navigate the inherent difficulty in administer a foreign government in an incompletely understood land whose people at the time were still recovering from war and plagued by european introduced disease additionally a puppet government served as an attempt to create an image of legitimacy towards the indigenous mesoamericans these installed tlatoani were known as cuāuhtlahtoāni meaning the one who speaks like eagle in náhuatl and as appointments did not undergo the traditional mexica investiture ceremony pursued with normal tlatoani this invalidated the cuahtlatoani s authority and right to rule in the eyes of their subjects the cuauhtlatoani were not a novel concept but had precedent as the term was used pre conquest to describe an interim non dynastic regent with tlatloque like authority generally cuauhtlatoani would be appointed by tlatoani to administer recently conquered lands such as the atlepetl of tlatelolco following the 1473 defeat of its last tlatoani moquihuix by the triple alliance tlatelolco was governed by cuauhtlatoque until the death of itzquauhtzin in 1520 65 the term cuauhtlatoani is also sometimes used in early 16th century codices to describe the mythic first leaders of the mexica during their migration from aztlán 66 in the context of the spanish conquest the indigenous population s general view of the cuauhtlatoani as illegitimate was initially of benefit and preference to hernán cortés and the spanish who saw it as a way of ensuring their appointees would not be seen as a source of allegiance separate from the spanish crown 67 despite their illegitimacy mexica codices composed after their reigns would describe cuauhtlatoani as if they were tlatoani but differ considerably on perceptions of legitimacy with some vocally ascribing illegitimacy to their reigns and others remaining silent on the matter entirely implying continuity with their predecessors 68 there were three cuauhtlatoani of tenochtitlan before the restoration of dynastically derived rulership to the atlepetl in 1565 these were tlacotzin reigned less than a year sometime between 1525 and 1526 who died before even reaching tenochtitlan 69 motelchiuhtzin 1525 1526 1530 1531 a mexica commoner and officer for hernán cortéz and xochiquentzin 1532 1536 a mexica commoner who had previously served as calpixqui a minor administrative palatine officer 70 restoration of dynastic rulership 1538 1565 1538 saw the dynastic rulership restored to the throne of tenochtitlan still in a dynamic of vassalage to the authority expressed by the conquistadors in the name of the spanish crown 61 the reasoning behind this choice is not certain but it was probably made by the spanish viceroy of new spain from 1535 to 1550 antonio de mendoza in pursuit of a more authoritative appearance of legitimacy in regards to spanish rule over the mexica 69 the restoration entailed a revalidation of the role of mexica nobility in the selection of a tlatloque where a candidate they elected would be forwarded to the spanish authority for confirmation and installation 56 this helped forward an air of authority and responsibility in the eye of the mexica towards the spanish and the new tlatoani this period saw four tlatoani with one cuauhtlatoque acting to serve in only a transitional role between tlatoani these were huanitzin 1538 1541 71 grandnephew to moctezuma ii who was popular amongst the nahua and was bilingual in spanish and náhuatl followed by tehuetzquititzin 1541 1554 who was de facto succeeded by the magistrate of tenochtitlan omacatzin a commoner from xochimilco whose authority only served a temporary and transitional buffer between tehuetzquititzin and his de jure successor cecetzin 1557 1562 the reason for this interregnum and its significant length is to date unknown 56 cetcetzin was succeeded by cipac 1563 1565 whose reign saw numerous conflicts between him and the spanish authorities in regards to jurisprudence and taxation the stress of which would lead to his early death as well as the spanish s decision to continue with direct administration over the remnants of the triple alliance through the creation of spanish appointed governorships these governorships would at least initially be held by indigenous or mestizo administrators none of which however were dynastically contiguous with the tlatloque 72 social and political organization nobles and commoners main articles social class in aztec society aztec society and slavery in the aztec empire aztec high lords who were in the top social class folio from the codex mendoza showing a commoner advancing through the ranks by taking captives in war each attire can be achieved by taking a certain number of captives jaguar warrior uniform as tax pay method from codex mendoza the highest class was the pīpiltin nb 8 or nobility the pilli status was hereditary and ascribed certain privileges to its holders such as the right to wear particularly fine garments and consume luxury goods as well as to own land and direct corvee labor by commoners the most powerful nobles were called lords nahuatl languages teuctin and they owned and controlled noble estates or houses and could serve in the highest government positions or as military leaders nobles made up about five percent of the population 73 the second class was the mācehualtin originally peasants but later extended to the lower working classes in general eduardo noguera estimates that in later stages only 20 percent of the population was dedicated to agriculture and food production 74 the other 80 percent of society were warriors artisans and traders eventually most of the mācehuallis were dedicated to arts and crafts their works were an important source of income for the city 75 macehualtin could become enslaved nahuatl languages tlacotin for example if they had to sell themselves into the service of a noble due to debt or poverty but enslavement was not an inherited status among the aztecs some macehualtin were landless and worked directly for a lord nahuatl languages mayehqueh whereas the majority of commoners were organized into calpollis which gave them access to land and property 76 commoners were able to obtain privileges similar to those of the nobles by demonstrating prowess in warfare when a warrior took a captive he accrued the right to use certain emblems weapons or garments and as he took more captives his rank and prestige increased 77 family and gender main article women in aztec civilization folio from the codex mendoza showing the rearing and education of aztec boys and girls in an ages list how they were instructed in different types of labor and how they were harshly punished for misbehavior the aztec family pattern was bilateral counting relatives on the father s and mother s side of the family equally and inheritance was also passed both to sons and daughters this meant that women could own property just as men and that women therefore had a good deal of economic freedom from their spouses nevertheless aztec society was highly gendered with separate gender roles for men and women men were expected to work outside of the house as farmers traders craftsmen and warriors whereas women were expected to take responsibility for the domestic sphere women could however also work outside of the home as small scale merchants doctors priests and midwives warfare was highly valued and a source of high prestige but women s work was metaphorically conceived of as equivalent to warfare and as equally important in maintaining the equilibrium of the world and pleasing the gods this situation has led some scholars to describe aztec gender ideology as an ideology not of a gender hierarchy but of gender complementarity with gender roles being separate but equal 78 among the nobles marriage alliances were often used as a political strategy with lesser nobles marrying daughters from more prestigious lineages whose status was then inherited by their children nobles were also often polygamous with lords having many wives polygamy was not very common among the commoners and some sources describe it as being prohibited 79 altepetl and calpolli pre hispanic tepeyac road of city state of tlatelolco ruins with semi underground unidentified small and simple buildings probably houses left tlatelolco archaeological site the main unit of aztec political organization was the city state in nahuatl called the altepetl meaning water mountain each altepetl was led by a ruler a tlatoani with authority over a group of nobles and a population of commoners the altepetl included a capital that served as a religious center the hub of distribution and organization of a local population that often lived spread out in minor settlements surrounding the capital altepetl was also the main source of ethnic identity for the inhabitants even though altepetl was frequently composed of groups speaking different languages each altepetl would see itself as standing in political contrast to other altepetl polities and war was waged between altepetl states in this way nahuatl speaking aztecs of one altepetl would be solidary with speakers of other languages belonging to the same altepetl but enemies of nahuatl speakers belonging to other competing altepetl states in the basin of mexico altepetl was composed of subdivisions called calpolli which served as the main organizational unit for commoners in tlaxcala and the puebla valley the altepetl was organized into teccalli units headed by a lord nahuatl languages tecutli who would hold sway over a territory and distribute rights to land among the commoners a calpolli was at once a territorial unit where commoners organized labor and land use since the land was not private property and also often a kinship unit as a network of families that were related through intermarriage calpolli leaders might be or become members of the nobility in which case they could represent their calpolli interests in the altepetl government 80 81 in the valley of morelos archeologist michael e smith estimates that a typical altepetl had from 10 000 to 15 000 inhabitants and covered an area between 70 and 100 square kilometers 27 and 39 sq mi in the morelos valley altepetl sizes were somewhat smaller smith argues that the altepetl was primarily a political unit made up of the population with allegiance to a lord rather than as a territorial unit he makes this distinction because in some areas minor settlements with different altepetl allegiances were interspersed 82 triple alliance and aztec empire the maximal extent of the aztec empire see also aztec empire government the aztec empire was ruled by indirect means like most european empires it was ethnically very diverse but unlike most european empires it was more of a hegemonic confederacy than a single system of government ethnohistorian ross hassig has argued that the aztec empire is best understood as an informal or hegemonic empire because it did not exert supreme authority over the conquered lands it merely expected taxes to be paid and exerted force only to the degree it was necessary to ensure the payment of taxes 83 it was also a discontinuous empire because not all dominated territories were connected for example the southern peripheral zones of xoconochco were not in direct contact with the center the hegemonic nature of the aztec empire can be seen in the fact that generally local rulers were restored to their positions once their city state was conquered and the aztecs did not generally interfere in local affairs as long as the tax payments were made and the local elites participated willingly such compliance was secured by establishing and maintaining a network of elites related through intermarriage and different forms of exchange 83 nevertheless the expansion of the empire was accomplished through military control of frontier zones in strategic provinces where a much more direct approach to conquest and control was taken such strategic provinces were often exempt from taxation the aztecs even invested in those areas by maintaining a permanent military presence installing puppet rulers or even moving entire populations from the center to maintain a loyal base of support 84 in this way the aztec system of government distinguished between different strategies of control in the outer regions of the empire far from the core in the valley of mexico some provinces were treated as subject provinces which provided the basis for economic stability for the empire and strategic provinces which were the basis for further expansion 85 although the form of government is often referred to as an empire most areas within the empire were organized as city states known as altepetl in nahuatl these were small polities ruled by a hereditary leader tlatoani from a legitimate noble dynasty the early aztec period was a time of growth and competition among altepetl even after the confederation of the triple alliance was formed in 1427 and began its expansion through conquest the altepetl remained the dominant form of organization at the local level the efficient role of the altepetl as a regional political unit was largely responsible for the success of the empire s hegemonic form of control 86 economy agriculture and subsistence cultivation of maize the main foodstuff using simple tools florentine codex like all mesoamerican peoples aztec society was organized around maize agriculture the humid environment in the valley of mexico with its many lakes and swamps permitted intensive agriculture the main crops in addition to maize were beans squashes chilies and amaranth particularly important for agricultural production in the valley was the construction of chinampas on the l...
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