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y married eleanor was born around 1316 18 married her first husband john beaumont in 1330 when they were both about 12 or 13 and had her first child henry beaumont in late 1339 or early 1340 mary was born around 1319 21 married henry percy in 1334 and had her first child henry percy the younger future first earl of northumberland in november 1341 joan married john mowbray in 1328 and gave birth to her only son john mowbray the younger in june 1340 when she was at least twenty five though her two daughters may have been older maud married william de burgh in 1327 and had her first child elizabeth de burgh in july 1332 and isabella beaumont married henry of grosmont in 1330 and their first surviving child maud of lancaster was born in april 1340 though another daughter is mentioned in 1338 39 who must have died in infancy seemingly henry of lancaster encouraged his children and their spouses not to rush into parenthood henry earl of lancaster and leicester died on 22 september 1345 and was outlived by all seven of his children isabella the second sister prioress of amesbury was alive on 30 january 1348 but died before 4 february 1349 14 joan the fourth sister lady mowbray died on 7 july 1348 7 july 1349 or 7 july 1350 in early 1348 john mowbray and joan his wife johane sa femme presented a petition to edward iii so she was obviously still alive then but by early march 1351 her widower john mowbray had married his much younger second wife elizabeth daughter of john de vere earl of oxford b 1312 joan of lancaster definitely died on 7 july the feast of the translation of st thomas becket the date is given in the sarum missal translacio sancti thome martyris obitus domine iohanne domine de moubray filie comitis lancastriae but no year is provided 15 henry of grosmont duke of lancaster and earl of leicester lincoln and derby was the third of the lancaster siblings to pass away dying in his town of leicester on 23 march 1361 among other sources which confirm henry s exact date of death the 23rd of march is also recorded in the sarum missal the youngest sibling mary lady percy died eighteen months later on 1 september 1362 just six days before edward iii s sister joan of the tower queen of scotland also died eleanor countess of arundel and lady beaumont died on 11 january 1372 and maud dowager countess of ulster and lady ufford on 5 may 1377 a few weeks before her kinsman edward iii blanche lady wake eldest of the siblings was the last of them to die and finally passed away between 3 and 11 july 1380 when she must have been at least 75 and perhaps closer to 80 her heir by blood was her brother henry s namesake grandson henry of lancaster earl of derby b 1367 who became henry iv in 1399 and the heir to the dower lands she held from her long dead husband thomas wake was thomas s niece joan of kent dowager princess of wales richard ii s mother sources 1 calendar of patent rolls 1281 92 p 464 cpr 1292 1301 p 239 2 early lincoln wills an abstract of all the wills and administrations recorded in the episcopal registers of the diocese of lincoln 1280 1547 ed alfred gibbons lincoln 1888 p 18 3 the national archives e 101 377 2 4 j e jackson consecration of nuns at ambresbury a d 1327 the wiltshire archaeological and natural history magazine vol 18 1879 p 287 a fragment of an account of isabel of lancaster nun of amesbury 1333 4 ed r b pugh in festschrift zur feier des zweihundertjährigen bestandes des haus hof und staatsarchivs vol 1 ed leo santifaller vienna 1949 p 487 5 calendar of patent rolls 1327 30 pp 8 26 6 kenneth fowler the king s lieutenant henry of grosmont first duke of lancaster 1310 1361 1969 p 27 7 a fragment of an account of isabel of lancaster pp 487 98 8 fowler the king s lieutenant p 27 kenneth fowler henry of grosmont first duke of lancaster 1310 1361 phd thesis university of leeds 1961 pp 19 542 44 the national archives dl 25 966 751 dl 25 2184 dl 25 2061 9 fowler henry of grosmont first duke of lancaster 1310 1361 pp 20 155 note 2 tna dl 25 964 749 10 a fragment of an account pp 489 491 92 496 497 tna sc 1 39 143 warwickshire county record office cr 162 238 11 petitions to the pope 1342 1419 ed w h bliss p 31 12 a fragment of an account p 493 fowler henry of grosmont first duke of lancaster 1310 1361 pp 590 91 cpr 1345 48 pp 96 372 401 449 50 470 cpr 1348 50 p 97 13 tna dl 25 330 a collection of all the wills now known to be extant of the kings and queens of england ed john nichols and richard gough london 1780 p 86 fowler king s lieutenant p 216 14 calendar of close rolls 1346 49 p 428 ccr 1349 54 p 5 15 tna sc 8 167 8311 calendar of papal letters 1342 62 pp 375 385 the sarum missal ed j wickham legg 1916 p 515 posted by kathryn warner at 3 40 pm 10 comments email this blogthis share to x share to facebook share to pinterest 21 january 2024 royal travel two months at edward ii s court unlike later centuries when the monarch spent most of the year in and around london and went on progresses in the summer when the city got too hot and stinky the fourteenth century english kings spent their reigns on a never ending circuit around the south and midlands of england all year round even in winter they tended not to go farther west than bristol or farther north than nottingham and only rarely did they go to the north of england to be fair the north was pretty empty in the middle ages with york the only settlement of any size edward ii rarely spent more than a handful of days in one place and when he did it was usually westminster windsor the royal hunting lodge of clipstone in nottinghamshire in the first half of his reign the royal palace of clarendon near salisbury in the second half of his reign york or his favourite residence of kings langley in hertfordshire because of the ongoing war against scotland edward spent more time in the north of england than many other medieval kings and unusually visited the area around newcastle upon tyne on occasion i ve taken a couple of months from edward s reign to illustrate the frequent travelling and have calculated the distances he and his enormous household must have ridden or rather in many cases trudged his household was somewhere in the region of 500 people queen isabella s was around 200 and the king was never alone but always accompanied by a number of earls bishops and barons each of whom had their own sizeable retinues we re talking about several thousand people plus a few hundred horses either being ridden pulling carts or carrying loads the logistics of it all are almost unfathomable just imagine being in charge of finding accommodation and food for all those people and animals october 1317 1 october edward had spent the night of 30 september to 1 october at monk bretton in yorkshire just outside barnsley he travelled sixteen miles to doncaster where he spent two nights 3 october eight miles from doncaster to tickhill 4 october twelve miles from tickhill to retford 5 october thirteen miles from retford to sutton on trent 6 october nine miles from sutton on trent to newark 7 october fifteen miles from newark to grantham where edward spent two nights 9 october twenty two miles from grantham to stamford 10 october eleven miles from stamford to fotheringhay 11 october sixteen miles from fotheringhay to molesworth 12 october sixteen miles from molesworth to st neots 13 october twenty miles from st neots to baldock 14 october eighteen miles from baldock to ware 15 october eleven miles from ware to waltham 16 october sixteen miles from waltham to westminster edward then spent the second half of october 1317 and until 5 november at westminster i make this a total of 203 miles that he travelled in just sixteen days with only two occasions when he spent more than one night in a location doncaster and grantham may 1326 on 1 and 2 may 1326 edward was at hailes abbey in gloucestershire which had been founded eighty years earlier by his great uncle richard of cornwall henry iii s brother 3 may twenty miles from hailes to barnsley the one in gloucestershire not the one in yorkshire mentioned above 4 may fourteen miles from barnsley to purton in wiltshire 5 may seventeen miles from purton to marlborough 6 and 7 may edward stayed in marlborough 8 may twenty seven miles from marlborough to cirencester 9 may eighteen miles from cirencester to gloucester 10 to 13 may edward stayed in gloucester 14 may nine miles from gloucester to coberley 15 may seventeen miles from coberley to down ampney 16 may twenty miles from down ampney to ogbourne st george 17 may four miles from ogbourne st george to marlborough again 18 19 may edward stayed in marlborough 20 may twenty five miles from marlborough to crookham 21 may sixteen miles from crookham to caversham 22 may fourteen miles from caversham to bisham 23 may twenty five miles from bisham to sheen 24 may edward stayed at sheen 25 may twenty eight miles from sheen to otford 26 may eighteen miles from otford to maidstone 27 may fourteen miles to charing the one in kent not charing cross in london 28 may twelve miles from charing to chartham 29 may eight miles from chartham to bishopsbourne 30 may fourteen miles from bishopsbourne to saltwood 31 may 1 to 6 june 1326 edward stayed at saltwood that s a remarkable 320 miles travelled in just one month and sojourns in several counties from gloucestershire in the southwest all the way over to kent in the southeast the longest daily journey was twenty eight miles edward ii s bodyguard of archers were not on horseback but ran alongside him on his horse we know this from an entry in edward s chamber account of 12 june 1326 when he bought his archers new hose made of linen and mentioned that it was a reward for running next to him in the hot weather can you imagine running twenty eight miles in one day that s longer than a marathon and the next day the archers had to run eighteen miles there were another five occasions in that one month of may 1326 when the journey in one day was twenty miles or more three hundred and twenty miles in thirty days wow posted by kathryn warner at 11 41 am 11 comments email this blogthis share to x share to facebook share to pinterest 27 june 2023 the problem of hindsight there s an old joke that goes something like dear diary the hundred years war started today or imagine a novel written in the twenty first century and i m pretty sure there actually is one where something like this happens with a character whose husband is one of the american sailors stationed at pearl harbor and on 6 december 1941 she clings to him and cries out oh honey i have a strong feeling that something terrible is about to happen don t go to work tomorrow we d scoff that an author writing decades later in the full knowledge of what happened at pearl harbor on 7 december 1941 gives such implausible foresight to a character who s living through the events of the 1940s as they happen it s cheap and a bit silly it s obvious that human beings cannot foretell the future we all know that yet in some modern nonfiction writing about history it sometimes seems that they can too many writers seem to forget that people living through events didn t know how those events were going to end they didn t know that something momentous was just around the corner they didn t know years in advance that they were going to be involved in a particular event just because we decades or centuries later can construct a narrative where this happened then that happened as a result then something else happened as a result of that second thing doesn t mean that the people experiencing those events were aware of a narrative unfolding some writing on edward ii s reign is problematic to me because it looks at where people ended up and assumed that they had always intended to end up there and had planned it all as though they had some way of knowing how things were going to turn out i ll give some examples the first example concerns the possibility that when edward ii s queen isabella was visiting the french court in 1314 she revealed to her father philip iv that two of her sisters in law marguerite and blanche of burgundy were committing adultery i ve seen it argued that isabella did this deliberately to increase her english son s chances of inheriting the french throne one day by making her brothers children illegitimate this is of course written with the knowledge that edward iii did claim the french throne nearly a quarter of a century later in 1337 and thus began the hundred years war not that he could possibly have known that in april 1314 isabella s father was forty five and healthy and her brothers louis of navarre philip of poitiers and charles of la marche were twenty four about twenty two and nineteen going on twenty all three young men were married all were perfectly healthy as far we know and all had children how could isabella have anticipated that barely fourteen years later all four of these men would be dead without any male heirs how could she have anticipated that her brothers would all die in their twenties and early thirties how could she anticipated that their sons and her three brothers fathered at least four sons between them would all die in early childhood not to mention that her dynasty the capetians had managed an unbroken male line of succession to the french throne since as far back as 987 more than 300 years before isabella was born this is a classic example of history written with hindsight of knowing that edward iii of england claimed the french throne in 1337 and assuming that his mother somehow had foreknowledge of this or had planned for it to happen and thus manipulated events so that it might come to pass as early as 1314 when edward was a toddler for all three of isabella s brothers to die comparatively young and for all four or more of their sons to die in childhood was a series of relatively improbable events which she could not have anticipated for all isabella knew in 1314 her brothers might all live into their fifties or sixties and father six or ten or twelve healthy sons between them and the capetians might manage another 300 years of male succession to the throne of france another example is the way that roger mortimer s escape from the tower of london in august 1323 was with hindsight an important early step that would ultimately lead to the downfall of edward ii in late 1326 and early 1327 we can see that that doesn t mean that anyone in 1323 knew it even if roger himself and the people who helped him to flee had an idea that his being at liberty might cause edward ii and hugh despenser the younger problems in some way this doesn t mean that he and his allies had the specific ultimate goal that his escape would end up forcing edward to abdicate it doesn t mean that roger knew for years that he was the man fated to bring down a king and that every action he took every conversation he had and every journey he made was intended to take a step towards that objective yet this is the 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