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g 4 43 映 yìng 5 20 陌 mò w æng k j w æng k 梗 gěng 2 13 耕 gēng 3 39 耿 gěng 4 44 諍 zhèng 5 21 麥 mài w ɛng k 2 14 清 qīng 3 40 靜 jìng 4 45 勁 jìng 5 22 昔 xī j w ieng k 2 15 青 qīng 3 41 迥 jiǒng 4 46 徑 jìng 5 23 錫 xī w eng 2 16 蒸 zhēng 3 42 拯 zhěng 4 47 證 zhèng 5 24 職 zhí w ing k 曾 zēng 2 17 登 dēng 3 43 等 děng 4 48 嶝 dèng 5 25 德 dé w ong k 2 18 尤 yóu 3 44 有 yǒu 4 49 宥 yòu juw 流 liú 2 19 侯 hóu 3 45 厚 hòu 4 50 候 hòu uw 2 20 幽 yōu 3 46 黝 yǒu 4 51 幼 yòu jiw 2 21 侵 qīn 3 47 寑 qǐn p 4 52 沁 qìn 5 26 緝 qì j im p 深 shēn 2 22 覃 tán 3 48 感 gǎn 4 53 勘 kàn 5 27 合 hé om p 咸 xián 2 23 談 tán 3 49 敢 gǎn 4 54 闞 kàn 5 28 盍 hé am p 2 24 鹽 yán 3 50 琰 yǎn 4 55 豔 yàn 5 29 葉 yè j i em p 2 25 添 tiān 3 51 忝 tiǎn 4 56 㮇 tiàn 5 30 怗 tiē em p 2 26 咸 xián 3 53 豏 xiàn 4 58 陷 xiàn 5 31 洽 qià ɛm p 2 27 銜 xián 3 54 檻 kǎn 4 59 鑑 jiàn 5 32 狎 xiá æm p 2 28 嚴 yán 3 52 儼 yǎn q 4 57 釅 yàn q 5 33 業 yè jæm p 2 29 凡 fán 3 55 范 fàn 4 60 梵 fàn 5 34 乏 fá jom p phonological system edit the rime dictionaries have been intensively studied as important sources on the phonology of medieval chinese and the system they reveal has been dubbed middle chinese since the qieyun itself was believed lost until the mid 20th century most of this work was based on the guangyun 36 the books exhaustively list the syllables and give pronunciations but do not describe the phonology of the language this was first attempted in the rime tables the oldest of which date from the song dynasty but which may represent a tradition going back to the late tang dynasty though not quite a phonemic analysis these tables analysed the syllables of the rime books using lists of initials finals and other features of the syllable the initials are further analysed in terms of place and manner of articulation suggesting inspiration from indian linguistics at that time the most advanced in the world however the rime tables were compiled some centuries after the qieyun and many of its distinctions would have been obscure edwin pulleyblank treats the rime tables as describing a late middle chinese stage in contrast to the early middle chinese of the rime dictionaries 37 structural analysis edit in his qièyùn kǎo 1842 the cantonese scholar chen li set out to identify the initial and final categories underlying the fanqie spellings in the guangyun the system was clearly not minimal employing 452 characters as initial spellers and around 1200 as final spellers however no character could be used as a speller for itself thus for example 38 東 was spelled 德 紅 德 was spelled 多 特 多 was spelled 德 河 this implies that 東 德 and 多 must all have had the same initial by following such chains of equivalences chen was able to identify sets of equivalent initial spellers and similarly for the finals more common segments tended to have the most variants words with the same final would rhyme but a rhyme group might include between one and four finals with different medial glides as seen in the above table of rhyme groups the inventory of initials chen obtained resembled the 36 initials of the rime tables but with significant differences in particular the light lip sounds and heavy lip sounds of the rime tables were not distinguished in the fanqie while each of the proper tooth sounds corresponded to two distinct fanqie initial categories 39 40 41 unaware of chen s work the swedish linguist bernard karlgren repeated the analysis identifying the initials and finals in the 1910s 42 the initials could be divided into two broad types grave initials labials velars and laryngeals which combine with all finals and acute initials the others with more restricted distribution 43 like chen karlgren noted that in syllables with grave initials the finals fell into two broad types now usually referred to following edwin pulleyblank as types a and b 44 he also noted that these types could be further subdivided into four classes of finals distinguished by the initials with which they could combine these classes partially correspond to the four rows or divisions traditionally numbered i iv of the later rime tables the observed combinations of initials and finals are as follows 45 co occurrence of classes of initials and finals in the qieyun initial class rows of the rime tables grave acute grave labial dental lateral retroflex stop dental sibilant retroflex sibilant palatal velar laryngeal final class type a i iv r yes yes yes yes yes yes 1 4 ii yes yes yes yes yes 2 type b mixed yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes 2 4 pure iii yes yes yes 3 some of the mixed finals are actually pairs of type b finals after grave initials with two distinct homophone groups for each initial but a single final after acute initials these pairs known as chongniu are also marked in the rime tables by splitting them between rows 3 and 4 but their interpretation remains uncertain there is also no consensus regarding which final of the pair should be identified with the single final occurring after acute initials 47 reconstructed sound values edit karlgren also sought to determine the phonetic values of the abstract categories yielded by the formal analysis by comparing the categories of the guangyun with other types of evidence each of which presented their own problems the song dynasty rime tables applied a sophisticated featural analysis to the rime books but were separated from them by centuries of sound change and some of their categories are difficult to interpret the so called sino xenic pronunciations readings of chinese loanwords in vietnamese korean and japanese were ancient but affected by the different phonological structures of those languages finally modern varieties of chinese provided a wealth of evidence but often influenced each other as a result of a millennium of migration and political upheavals after applying a variant of the comparative method in a subsidiary role to flesh out the rime dictionary evidence karlgren believed that he had reconstructed the speech of the sui tang capital chang an 48 later workers have refined karlgren s reconstruction initials of the qieyun system with their traditional names and approximate values 49 labial s dental t lateral retroflex stop dental sibilant retroflex sibilant palatal u velar laryngeal v stop or affricate voiceless 幫 p 端 t 知 ʈ 精 ts 莊 tʂ 章 tɕ 見 k 影 ʔ aspirate 滂 pʰ 透 tʰ 徹 ʈʰ 清 tsʰ 初 tʂʰ 昌 tɕʰ 溪 kʰ voiced 並 b 定 d 澄 ɖ 從 dz 崇 dʐ 禪 dʑ w 群 ɡ nasal 明 m 泥 n 娘 ɳ 日 ɲ 疑 ŋ fricative voiceless 心 s 生 ʂ 書 ɕ 曉 x voiced 邪 z 俟 ʐ x 船 ʑ w 匣 云 ɣ y approximant 來 l 以 j y in most cases the simpler inventories of initials of modern varieties of chinese can be treated as varying developments of the qieyun initials the voicing distinction is retained in wu chinese dialects but has disappeared from other varieties except in the min chinese dialects a labiodental series has split from the labial series a development already reflected in the song dynasty rime tables the retroflex and palatal sibilants had also merged by that time in min dialects the retroflex stops have merged with the dental stops while elsewhere they have merged with the retroflex sibilants in the south these have also merged with the dental sibilants but the distinction is maintained in most mandarin chinese dialects the palatal series of modern mandarin dialects resulting from a merger of palatal allophones of dental sibilants and velars is a much more recent development 49 assigning phonetic values to the finals has proved more difficult as many of the distinctions reflected in the qieyun have been lost over time karlgren proposed that type b finals contained a palatal medial j a position that is still accepted by most scholars however pulleyblank noting the use of these syllables in the transcription of foreign words without such a medial claims the medial developed later a labiovelar medial w is also widely accepted with some syllables having both medials the codas are believed to reflect those of many modern varieties namely the glides j and w nasals m n and ŋ and corresponding stops p t and k some authors argue that the placement of the first four rhyme groups in the qieyun suggests that they had distinct codas reconstructed as labiovelars ŋʷ and kʷ most reconstructions posit a large number of vowels to distinguish the many qieyun rhyme classes that occur with some codas but the number and the values assigned vary widely 57 58 the chinese linguist li rong published a study of the early edition of the qieyun found in 1947 showing that the expanded dictionaries had preserved the phonological structure of the qieyun intact except for a merger of initials dʐ and ʐ for example although the number of rhyme groups increased from 193 in the earlier dictionary to 206 in the guangyun the differences are limited to splitting rhyme groups based on the presence or absence of a medial glide w 59 60 61 however the preface of the recovered qieyun suggests that it represented a compromise between northern and southern reading pronunciations z most linguists now believe that no single dialect contained all the distinctions recorded but that each distinction did occur somewhere 8 62 for example the qieyun distinguished three rhyme groups 支 脂 and 之 all pronounced zhī in modern chinese although 支 and 脂 were not distinguished in parts of the north while 脂 and 之 rhymed in the south the three groups are treated as tongyong in the guangyun and have merged in all modern varieties 63 although karlgren s identification of the qieyun system with a sui tang standard is no longer accepted the fact that it contains more distinctions than any single contemporary form of speech means that it retains more information about earlier stages of the language and is a major component in the reconstruction of old chinese phonology 64 pingshui rhyme categories edit main article pingshui yun from early in the tang dynasty candidates in the imperial examination were required to compose poetry and rhymed prose in conformance with the rhyme categories of the qieyun however the fine distinctions made by the qieyun were found overly restrictive by poets and xu jingzong and others suggested more relaxed rhyming rules 65 the píngshuǐ 平水 system of 106 rhyme groups first codified during the jin dynasty eventually became the prescribed system for the imperial examination it became the standard for official rhyme books and was also used as the classification system for such reference works as the peiwen yunfu 66 67 the píngshuǐ rhyme groups are the same as the tóngyòng groups of the guangyun with a few exceptions 66 the 廢 fèi group is merged with 隊 duì 68 the rising and departing tone groups corresponding to 蒸 zhēng were merged into the 迥 jiǒng and 徑 jìng groups the groups 嚴 yán and 凡 fán which were tóngyòng in the guangyun and in complementary distribution were split between the two preceding tóngyòng groups 69 pingshui rhyme groups by tone 70 平 level 上 rising 去 departing 入 entering 東 dōng 董 dǒng 送 sòng 屋 wū 冬 dōng 腫 zhǒng 宋 sòng 沃 wò 江 jiāng 講 jiǎng 絳 jiàng 覺 jué 支 zhī 紙 zhǐ 寘 zhì 微 wēi 尾 wěi 未 wèi 魚 yú 語 yǔ 御 yù 虞 yú 麌 yǔ 遇 yù 齊 qí 薺 jì 霽 jì 泰 tài 佳 jiā 蟹 xiè 卦 guà 灰 huī 賄 huì 隊 duì 真 zhēn 軫 zhěn 震 zhèn 質 zhì 文 wén 吻 wěn 問 wèn 物 wù 元 yuán 阮 ruǎn 願 yuàn 月 yuè 寒 hán 旱 hàn 翰 hàn 曷 hé 刪 shān 潸 shān 諫 jiàn 鎋 xiá 先 xiān 銑 xiǎn 霰 xiàn 屑 xiè 蕭 xiāo 篠 xiǎo 嘯 xiào 肴 yáo 巧 qiǎo 效 xiào 豪 háo 晧 hào 號 hào 歌 gē 哿 gě 箇 gè 麻 má 馬 mǎ 禡 mà 陽 yáng 養 yǎng 漾 yàng 藥 yào 庚 gēng 梗 gěng 映 yìng 陌 mò 青 qīng 迥 jiǒng 徑 jìng 錫 xī 蒸 zhēng 職 zhí 尤 yóu 有 yǒu 宥 yòu 侵 qīn 寑 qǐn 沁 qìn 緝 qì 覃 tán 感 gǎn 勘 kàn 合 hé 鹽 yán 琰 yǎn 豔 yàn 葉 yè 咸 xián 豏 xiàn 陷 xiàn 洽 qià yan zhengqing s yunhai jingyuan c 780 was the first rime dictionary of multisyllabic words rather than single characters 71 though no longer extant it served as the model for a series of encyclopedic dictionaries of literary words and phrases organized by píngshuǐ rhyme groups culminating in the peiwen yunfu 1711 72 vernacular dictionaries edit zhongyuan yinyun rhyme group 侵尋 im əm divided into four tones a side effect of foreign rule of northern china between the 10th and 14th centuries was a weakening of many of the old traditions new genres of vernacular literature such as the qu and sanqu poetry appeared as well as the zhongyuan yinyun created by zhōu déqīng 周德清 in 1324 as a guide to the rhyming conventions of qu the zhongyuan yinyun was a radical departure from the rhyme table tradition with the entries grouped into 19 rhyme classes each identified by a pair of exemplary characters these rhyme classes combined rhymes from different tones whose parallelism was implicit in the ordered of the guangyun rhymes the rhyme classes are subdivided by tone and then into groups of homophones with no other indication of pronunciation the dictionary reflects contemporaneous northern speech with the even tone divided in upper and lower tones and the loss of the middle chinese final stops 73 such syllables formerly grouped in the entering tone are distributed between the other tones but placed after the other syllables with labels such as 入聲作去聲 rùshēng zuò qùshēng entering tone makes departing tone 74 the early ming dictionary yùnluè yìtōng 韻略易通 by lan mao was based on the zhongyuan yinyun but arranged the homophone groups according to a fixed order of initials which were listed in a mnemonic poem in the ci form 75 76 however there could still be multiple homophone groups under a given rhyme group tone and initial as medial glides were not considered part of the rhyme further innovations are found in a rime dictionary from the late 16th century describing the fuzhou dialect which is preserved together with a later redaction in the qi lin bayin this work enumerates the finals of the dialect differentiated by both medial and rhyme and classifies each homophone group uniquely by final initial and tone both finals and initials are listed in cí poems 77 tangut edit sea of characters level tone folio 53 tangut was the language of the western xia state 1038 1227 centred on the area of modern gansu the language had been extinct for four centuries when an extensive corpus of documents in the logographic tangut script were discovered in the early 20th century one of the sources used to reconstruct the tangut language is the sea of characters chinese 文海 pinyin wénhǎi a rhyme dictionary written entirely in tangut but with the same structure as the chinese dictionaries the dictionary consists of one volume each for the tangut level and rising tones with a third volume of mixed category characters whose significance is unclear as with the chinese dictionaries each volume is divided into rhymes and then into homophone groups separated by a small circle the pronunciation of the first tangut character in each homophone group is given by a fanqie formula using a pair of tangut characters mikhail sofronov applied chen li s method to these fanqie to construct the system of tangut initials and finals 78 see also edit kangxi dictionary notes edit middle chinese transcriptions are given in baxter s system the middle chinese leve...