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sion of the real and the virtual creates a hybrid space and time to live in and sometimes gives the impression of living in constant flux or sometimes an endless immobility our everyday life for those who are connected travels at the speed of light and yet goes nowhere how useful today can the concepts of the past be what does everyday mean while living a screen life wark the technical form of spectacle was different in lefebvre and debord s time but they were already talking about the continuum of everyday meaning life on the street and everyday meaning life enclosed in some sort of mediated bubble perhaps we have not advanced all that far both lefebvre and constant whom i also write about in the beach beneath the street were very interested in cyber netics in different ways they anticipated where we are today lefebvre thought communication could be divided into three broad bands code sign and symbol code is digital a means of control and he saw that it was advancing into the everyday he saw that this was more important than the terrain of the sign that so fascinated the semioticians of his time like roland barthes language like signs were interesting but not the main development the main thing was codification the coming of what you call the hybrid space where code meets the everyday and which he saw as the ideological basis of main stream social science of the postwar period like rational choice theory social science had started to think that everyday life had been completely subsumed into a gamespace of code the counter tactic lefebvre advocated was to stake out the terrain of symbol symbols are not like signs their meaning comes from the past and is not produced by the context in which they are used as signs are he thought the avant garde had to advance onto the terrain of the symbol and reani mate the romantic counter symbols to the emerging classical order this is exactly what he saw the situationists had done in opposing corbusier s classically inspired supposedly modern tower blocks with their art of the dérive the drift psychogeography and unitary urbanism lefebvre correctly saw that there was something mythic in all of this a deep working on the underlying symbols within everyday life at a time when everyday life was being invested in every sense with code constant nieuwenhuys took another tack how could code which is about logic and control also open up a domain for free play he did it with a kind of conceptual architecture he called it new babylon and it existed as models drawings and texts about a utopian urban planning project but it was much more than that it s a kind of concep tual architecture in new babylon the factories are underground the surface of the earth is for trans port and we all live in superstructures up above labour is fully automated there s nothing to do but play this is already a critique of europe and america in these overdeveloped times right code allows the production and distribution of things to be auto mated that s control but that control produces a surplus which abolishes the struggle over scar city there s nothing left to do but play we get glimpses of this in everyday life when you and your friends have a day off and there s food and wine and nothing to do but invent the good life well for constant that s a product in part of code as control but it also enables this other side how can that other side prevail that s his question can we separate the control of objects by code from the free play of subjects this strikes me as still a visionary project marmaras one thing that remains unclear regarding the situationists is the issue of violence in respect to political struggles and social claims what was their position towards violence if at the end they had any clear position wark they were interested in the glamour of the clandes tine they weren t afraid of a certain organisational rigour they were on the barricades in may 68 but beyond that they were not interested in violence violence is anathema to the kind of direct democ racy they practiced however imperfectly debord advanced the thesis very early that the red brigades in italy had been infiltrated by agents of the state it turns out he was not entirely wrong maybe it s a sort of categorical imperative if a tactic can t be generalised to the point that every body can do it then it belongs to hierarchy and ought to be opposed the situationists were consistent critics of the stalinists the trotskyites and the maoists they would have treated recent attempts to resusci tate the idea of communism with the contempt it deserves the fatal mistake is the formation of vanguards that claim to represent the people and act on its behalf whether with violence or much the same thing only more boring bureaucracy they pose a very very contemporary question for us not least in the context of tahrir square and occupy wall street how can flat horizontal movements nevertheless have organisational form what is non hierarchical communication that can nevertheless resist being reduced to chatter and noise their greatness was always in asking very far sighted questions about form marmaras in the period of the situationists the means of political struggle were played on a polarised field defined by big ideologies debord in the society of the spectacle and the situationists in general by showing the rules and mechanisms of the produc tion of the spectacle tried to move the critique from the sterile political vocabulary of the period toward the upcoming field of struggle the cultural sphere that explains their involvement in the art scene and their engagement with it at least to a point they were right because today struggles have more or less depending on the countries and the cities a clear cultural character i will use an actual para digm the occupy movement and the indignados are not subjects of critique based on their political thesis but on their aesthetic in other words they are criticised on the way they set up their camps how they are dressed how they behave and so on does this mean that the cultural sphere in which the situationists found a new space for struggle is now over does a movement need today to rein vent a political vocabulary and a social stance that goes beyond art culture modes of behavior in other words all those images of sublime consump tion does the movement need to détourner the situationists wark well the secret title of the beach beneath the street should be détourn this a bit like abbie hoffman s steal this book it s not about being a situationist in the 21st century although there are people who claim they are but of plagiarising from them and correcting their tactics in the direc tion of hope as lautréamont would say i thought a few years ago that they needed to be made available again in a new way as a resource for inventing new tactics and as it happens that hunch turned out to be not entirely without value their concentration on the aesthetics of struggle seems helpful now in the us at least it is no acci dent that the occupy movement sprang at least in part from a milieu in which the situationists have been studied closely but there s a sense in which the situationists diverge from the cultural turn one way of thinking about their project for all its internal differences is as an attempt to found a theory and practice of aesthetic economy or rather if marxism is a critique of political economy and not a philosophy then what the situationists attempt is a critique of aesthetic economy again not a philosophy what was once the political has been subsumed into the spectacle power takes an aesthetic form and has to be understood as such and confronted as such but where we say aesthetic one should think not of images but of forms forms of life of course philosophers became obsessed with the political after may 68 and it s a fetish that persists well the owl of minerva flies at dusk it becomes something philosophy can perceive precisely because it has passed away of course power exists exploitation exists oppression exists inequality exists the spectacle exists but politics whatever goes in the place of politics has to be reinvented the site of its reinvention isn t concep tual it s not about the political it s about politics in the everyday sense we have to reinvent forms of horizontal organisation communication decision solidarity in a word collective being what is remarkable in the united states at least is that no matter how much the spectacle tried to attack occupy wall street as smelly hippies in stupid clothes in its first phase at least it attracted enormous public support as the situationists used to say our ideas are on everybody s minds in everyday life people get it they get that politics is just spectacle and that the occupation is a kind of negative action which shows by doing some thing what the gap is between the appearance of a politics in the spectacle and what an actual form of popular organisation and communication might look like it turns out that such questions of form after poli tics are something on which the situationists have a lot to offer and not just debord asger jorn was asking about the aesthetic as the practice of form making of a whole people a kind of popular and yet also critical practice of formal invention michèle bernstein was already asking what happens to love and sex in situations where we try to live outside the idea of being each other s property jacqueline de jong was trying to put together forms of trans national communication about how the aesthetic could offer an alternative library of forms outside the sanctioned canon of both architectural and social orders in short there s no shortage of resources to draw upon in the situationist legacy with which as rimbaud said to change life of course the situationists themselves got absorbed into art and fashion and all that but the thing about recuperation into the spectacle is that it is always reversible the spectacle plagiarises the forms invented in everyday life and returns them to us in commodity form it takes love and play and adventure and returns them as shoes and pants and haircuts it s just a matter of repossessing our power of invention of forms and forming a life of invention outside of the commodity form and its spectacular shadow labels mckenzie wark situationism situationist international the beach beneath the street posted by folded in at 13 46 6 comments wednesday 15 february 2012 an absolute refusal notes on the 12 february demonstration in athens an absolute refusal notes on the 12 february demonstration in athens by pavlos hatzopoulos ilias marmaras and dimitris parsanoglou 1 the 12th february demonstration in athens consolidated what is becoming clearer in the past weeks a growing majority of the greek people support the refusal of the memorandum no 2 no matter what in spite of the fear mongering spread by the pro memorandum forces that a negative parliamentary vote would entail an immediate euro exit and the ensuing africanisation of greece the popular support for the new eu ecb imf loans and the correlated austerity measures is waning significantly the formal political debate is increasingly based on a politics of fear the government s and mainstream media s principal argumentation is stripped on the one hand to the bare threat of what a disorderly greek bankruptcy would entail invoking often assumed similarities with greece s plight during the world war ii occupation by german and italian troops with basic food and medicine shortages and a lack of basic public amenities like gas heating electricity on the other hand even mainstream media cannot but be critical vis à vis the most dismantling provisions of the memorandum no 2 for any sign of consensual legitimacy such as the automatic decrease by 22 of minimum wages the content and scope of collective bargaining and so on insisting however in the final analysis that the dilemma posed leaves only one choice in the current conditions the growing impoverishment of the wider population and the collapse of state welfare structures makes this line of argumentation less and less effective in the everyday lived experience of the wider population the spectre of destitution and the destruction of universal public services and amenities is embodied as a direct result of the austerity policies the massive refusal of the memorandum no 2 tends thus to becoming absolute it is consolidated beyond and besides any types of rationalisations of existing or future formal policies and calls for new beginnings that the government and financial interests can articulate in the coming critical period the site of openness in the political sphere relates to the struggles over what forms this absolute refusal might take and what type of political actions can be constructed around it the social composition of the massive absolute refusal of the memorandum no 2 crosses existing societal divisions and categorisations and reflects its informal and fluid character the demonstrations in greece include more and more actors with different social backgrounds different political aspirations and different desires for mostly non representable futures apart from the material outcomes that successive austerity plans produce mainly the violent downgrading of large parts of the late middle class a strife against injustice is drowning by numbers the whole society regardless previous political affiliations in addition demonstrations in greece more and more seem to escalate precisely when they are less organised and when they are not called by formal political organisations although a 3 day call for action february 10 to 12 was set against the parliamentary vote of the memorandum no 2 during the first two days that coincided with a 48 hour strike supported by all the trade unions the turnout was unexpectedly low the protests pursued the usual tactic of marching towards the parliament grouped largely in political blocs and ended relatively quickly on sunday february 12 when there was no strike no precise formal call for action and no foreseen march itinerary at all the participation in the protest became unprecedented everyone just knew that from afternoon onwards people should go to syntagma square outside the parliament most of the participants just walked from different parts of the city joining the demonstrations in small groups of friends at random with people they met on their way to syntagma in neighbourhood associations in neighbourhood assemblies that have been formed the past 6 months throughout greece there was no starting point of the demonstration but only destination people were trying to reach syntagma many hours after the demonstration was supposed to have started most were intermittently leaving the tear gased areas to catch their breath and returning after a while even some political groups that managed to form a few blocs of demonstrators near the parliament dissolved soon afte...
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