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ubservience those who teach are treated with all the respect of an automated messaging system only the logic of customer satisfaction obtains here was the course easy was the teacher hot could any stupid asshole get an a what s the point of acquiring knowledge when it can be called up with a few keystokes who needs memory when we have the internet a training in thought you can t be serious a moral preparation there are anti depressants for that meanwhile the graduate students supposedly the most politically enlightened among us are also the most obedient the vocation for which they labor is nothing other than a fantasy of falling off the grid or out of the labor market every grad student is a would be robinson crusoe dreaming of an island economy subtracted from the exigencies of the market but this fantasy is itself sustained through an unremitting submission to the market there is no longer the least felt contradiction in teaching a totalizing critique of capitalism by day and polishing one s job talk by night that our pleasure is our labor only makes our symptoms more manageable aesthetics and politics collapse courtesy of the substitution of ideology for history booze and beaux arts and another seminar on the question of being the steady blur of typeface each pixel paid for by somebody somewhere some not me not here where all that appears is good and all goods appear attainable by credit graduate school is simply the faded remnant of a feudal system adapted to the logic of capitalism from the commanding heights of the star professors to the serried ranks of teaching assistants and adjuncts paid mostly in bad faith a kind of monasticism predominates here with all the gothic rituals of a benedictine abbey and all the strange theological claims for the nobility of this work its essential altruism the underlings are only too happy to play apprentice to the masters unable to do the math indicating that nine tenths of us will teach 4 courses every semester to pad the paychecks of the one tenth who sustain the fiction that we can all be the one of course i will be the star i will get the tenure track job in a large city and move into a newly gentrified neighborhood we end up interpreting marx s 11th thesis on feuerbach the philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways the point is to change it at best we learn the phoenix like skill of coming to the very limits of critique and perishing there only to begin again at the seemingly ineradicable root we admire the first part of this performance it lights our way but we want the tools to break through that point of suicidal thought its hinge in practice the same people who practice critique are also the most susceptible to cynicism but if cynicism is simply the inverted form of enthusiasm then beneath every frustrated leftist academic is a latent radical the shoulder shrug the dulled face the squirm of embarrassment when discussing the fact that the us murdered a million iraqis between 2003 and 2006 that every last dime squeezed from america s poorest citizens is fed to the banking industry that the seas will rise billions will die and there s nothing we can do about it this discomfited posture comes from feeling oneself pulled between the is and the ought of current left thought one feels that there is no alternative and yet on the other hand that another world is possible we will not be so petulant the synthesis of these positions is right in front of us another world is not possible it is necessary the ought and the is are one the collapse of the global economy is here and now ii the university has no history of its own its history is the history of capital its essential function is the reproduction of the relationship between capital and labor though not a proper corporation that can be bought and sold that pays revenue to its investors the public university nonetheless carries out this function as efficiently as possible by approximating ever more closely the corporate form of its bedfellows what we are witnessing now is the endgame of this process whereby the façade of the educational institution gives way altogether to corporate streamlining even in the golden age of capitalism that followed after world war ii and lasted until the late 1960s the liberal university was already subordinated to capital at the apex of public funding for higher education in the 1950s the university was already being redesigned to produce technocrats with the skill sets necessary to defeat communism and sustain us hegemony its role during the cold war was to legitimate liberal democracy and to reproduce an imaginary society of free and equal citizens precisely because no one was free and no one was equal but if this ideological function of the public university was at least well funded after the second world war that situation changed irreversibly in the 1960s and no amount of social democratic heel clicking will bring back the dead world of the post war boom between 1965 and 1980 profit rates began to fall first in the us then in the rest of the industrializing world capitalism it turned out could not sustain the good life it made possible for capital abundance appears as overproduction freedom from work as unemployment beginning in the 1970s capitalism entered into a terminal downturn in which permanent work was casualized and working class wages stagnated while those at the top were temporarily rewarded for their obscure financial necromancy which has itself proved unsustainable for public education the long downturn meant the decline of tax revenues due to both declining rates of economic growth and the prioritization of tax breaks for beleaguered corporations the raiding of the public purse struck california and the rest of the nation in the 1970s it has continued to strike with each downward declension of the business cycle though it is not directly beholden to the market the university and its corollaries are subject to the same cost cutting logic as other industries declining tax revenues have made inevitable the casualization of work retiring professors make way not for tenure track jobs but for precariously employed teaching assistants adjuncts and lecturers who do the same work for much less pay tuition increases compensate for cuts while the jobs students pay to be trained for evaporate in the midst of the current crisis which will be long and protracted many on the left want to return to the golden age of public education they naïvely imagine that the crisis of the present is an opportunity to demand the return of the past but social programs that depended upon high profit rates and vigorous economic growth are gone we cannot be tempted to make futile grabs at the irretrievable while ignoring the obvious fact that there can be no autonomous public university in a capitalist society the university is subject to the real crisis of capitalism and capital does not require liberal education programs the function of the university has always been to reproduce the working class by training future workers according to the changing needs of capital the crisis of the university today is the crisis of the reproduction of the working class the crisis of a period in which capital no longer needs us as workers we cannot free the university from the exigencies of the market by calling for the return of the public education system we live out the terminus of the very market logic upon which that system was founded the only autonomy we can hope to attain exists beyond capitalism what this means for our struggle is that we can t go backward the old student struggles are the relics of a vanished world in the 1960s as the post war boom was just beginning to unravel radicals within the confines of the university understood that another world was possible fed up with technocratic management wanting to break the chains of a conformist society and rejecting alienated work as unnecessary in an age of abundance students tried to align themselves with radical sections of the working class but their mode of radicalization too tenuously connected to the economic logic of capitalism prevented that alignment from taking hold because their resistance to the vietnam war focalized critique upon capitalism as a colonial war machine but insufficiently upon its exploitation of domestic labor students were easily split off from a working class facing different problems in the twilight era of the post war boom the university was not subsumed by capital to the degree that it is now and students were not as intensively proletarianized by debt and a devastated labor market that is why our struggle is fundamentally different the poverty of student life has become terminal there is no promised exit if the economic crisis of the 1970s emerged to break the back of the political crisis of the 1960s the fact that today the economic crisis precedes the coming political uprising means we may finally supersede the cooptation and neutralization of those past struggles there will be no return to normal iii we seek to push the university struggle to its limits though we denounce the privatization of the university and its authoritarian system of governance we do not seek structural reforms we demand not a free university but a free society a free university in the midst of a capitalist society is like a reading room in a prison it serves only as a distraction from the misery of daily life instead we seek to channel the anger of the dispossessed students and workers into a declaration of war we must begin by preventing the university from functioning we must interrupt the normal flow of bodies and things and bring work and class to a halt we will blockade occupy and take what s ours rather than viewing such disruptions as obstacles to dialogue and mutual understanding we see them as what we have to say as how we are to be understood this is the only meaningful position to take when crises lay bare the opposing interests at the foundation of society calls for unity are fundamentally empty there is no common ground between those who uphold the status quo and those who seek to destroy it the university struggle is one among many one sector where a new cycle of refusal and insurrection has begun in workplaces neighborhoods and slums all of our futures are linked and so our movement will have to join with these others breeching the walls of the university compounds and spilling into the streets in recent weeks bay area public school teachers bart employees and unemployed have threatened demonstrations and strikes each of these movements responds to a different facet of capitalism s reinvigorated attack on the working class in a moment of crisis viewed separately each appears small near sighted without hope of success taken together however they suggest the possibility of widespread refusal and resistance our task is to make plain the common conditions that like a hidden water table feed each struggle we have seen this kind of upsurge in the recent past a rebellion that starts in the classrooms and radiates outward to encompass the whole of society just two years ago the anti cpe movement in france combating a new law that enabled employers to fire young workers without cause brought huge numbers into the streets high school and university students teachers parents rank and file union members and unemployed youth from the banlieues found themselves together on the same side of the barricades this solidarity was often fragile however the riots of immigrant youth in the suburbs and university students in the city centers never merged and at times tensions flared between the two groups french students saw through the illusion of the university as a place of refuge and enlightenment and acknowledged that they were merely being trained to work they took to the streets as workers protesting their precarious futures their position tore down the partitions between the schools and the workplaces and immediately elicited the support of many wage workers and unemployed people in a mass gesture of proletarian refusal as the movement developed it manifested a growing tension between revolution and reform its form was more radical than its content while the rhetoric of the student leaders focused merely on a return to the status quo the actions of the youth the riots the cars overturned and set on fire the blockades of roads and railways and the waves of occupations that shut down high schools and universities announced the extent of the new generation s disillusionment and rage despite all of this however the movement quickly disintegrated when the cpe law was eventually dropped while the most radical segment of the movement sought to expand the rebellion into a general revolt against capitalism they could not secure significant support and the demonstrations occupations and blockades dwindled and soon died ultimately the movement was unable to transcend the limitations of reformism the greek uprising of december 2008 broke through many of these limitations and marked the beginning of a new cycle of class struggle initiated by students in response to the murder of an athens youth by police the uprising consisted of weeks of rioting looting and occupations of universities union offices and television stations entire financial and shopping districts burned and what the movement lacked in numbers it made up in its geographical breadth spreading from city to city to encompass the whole of greece as in france it was an uprising of youth for whom the economic crisis represented a total negation of the future students precarious workers and immigrants were the protagonists and they were able to achieve a level of unity that far surpassed the fragile solidarities of the anti cpe movement just as significantly they made almost no demands while of course some demonstrators sought to reform the police system or to critique specific government policies in general they asked for nothing at all from the government the university the workplaces or the police not because they considered this a better strategy but because they wanted nothing that any of these institutions could offer here content aligned with form whereas the optimistic slogans that appeared everywhere in french demonstrations jarred with the images of burning cars and broken glass in greece the rioting was the obvious means to begin to enact the destruction of an entire political and economic system ultimately the dynamics that created the uprising also established its limit it was made possible by the existence of a sizeable radical infrastructure in urban areas in particular the exarchia neighborhood in athens the squats bars cafes and social centers frequented by students and immigrant youth created the milieu out of which the uprising emerged however this milieu was alien to most middle aged wage workers who did not see the struggle as their own though many expressed solidar...