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rsian gulf was the sole remaining western terminus of the indian trade route outside direct roman control 165 and such control was important in order to lower import prices and to limit the supposed drain of precious metals created by the deficit in roman trade with the far east 203 that charax traded with the roman empire there can be no doubt as its actual connections with merchants from palmyra during the period are well documented in a contemporary palmyrene epigraph which tells of various palmyrene citizens honoured for holding office in charax 204 also charax s rulers domains at the time possibly included the bahrain islands which offered the possibility of extending roman hegemony into the persian gulf itself 205 a palmyrene citizen held office as satrap over the islands shortly after trajan s death 206 though the appointment was made by a parthian king of charax 207 the rationale behind trajan s campaign in this case was one of breaking down a system of far eastern trade through small semitic arab cities under parthia s control and to put it under roman control instead 208 aureus issued by trajan to celebrate the conquest of parthia inscription imp caes ner traian optim avg ger dac parthico p m tr p co n s vi p p s p q r parthia capta in his dacian conquests trajan had already resorted to syrian auxiliary units whose veterans along with syrian traders had an important role in the subsequent colonization of dacia 209 he had recruited palmyrene units into his army including a camel unit 210 therefore apparently procuring palmyrene support to his ultimate goal of annexing charax it has even been ventured that when earlier in his campaign trajan annexed armenia he was bound to annex the whole of mesopotamia lest the parthians interrupt the flux of trade from the persian gulf and or foment trouble at the roman frontier on the danube 211 other historians reject these motives as the supposed parthian control over the maritime far eastern trade route was at best conjectural and based on a selective reading of chinese sources trade by land through parthia seems to have been unhampered by parthian authorities and left solely to the devices of private enterprise 212 commercial activity in second century mesopotamia seems to have been a general phenomenon shared by many peoples within and without the roman empire with no sign of a concerted imperial policy towards it 213 as in the case of the alimenta scholars like moses finley and paul veyne have considered the idea that a foreign trade policy underlay trajan s war to be anachronistic according to these scholars the concern of roman leaders with the trade in far eastern luxuries besides collecting toll taxes and customs 214 was moral in nature because contemporary roman mores frowned upon the softness of luxuries 215 216 in the absence of conclusive evidence trade between rome and india might have been far more balanced in terms of quantities of precious metals exchanged one of our sources for the notion of the roman gold drain pliny s the younger s uncle pliny the elder had earlier described the gangetic plains as one of the gold sources for the roman empire 217 accordingly in a controversial book on the roman economy finley considers trajan s badly miscalculated and expensive assault on parthia to be an example of the many roman commercial wars that had in common the fact of existing only in the books of modern historians 213 trajan the palladium white marble statue at naples archaeological museum late 1st century ad the alternative view is to see the campaign as triggered by the incentive of territorial annexation and prestige 213 the sole motive ascribed by cassius dio 218 as far as territorial conquest involved tax collecting 219 especially of the 25 tax levied on all goods entering the roman empire the tetarte one can say that trajan s parthian war had an economic motive 220 also there was the propaganda value of an eastern conquest that would emulate in roman fashion those of alexander the great 221 the fact that emissaries from the kushan empire might have attended to the commemorative ceremonies for the dacian war may have prompted greco roman intellectuals like plutarch who wrote about only 70 000 roman soldiers being necessary to a conquest of india citation needed as well as in trajan s closer associates speculation about the treasure to be obtained by reproducing macedonian eastern conquests 222 there could also be trajan s idea to use an ambitious blueprint of conquests as a way to emphasize quasi divine status such as with his cultivated association in coins and monuments to hercules 223 it is possible that the attachment of trajan to an expansionist policy was supported by a powerful circle of conservative senators from hispania committed to a policy of imperial expansion first among them being licinius sura 224 alternatively one can explain the campaign by the fact that for the romans their empire was in principle unlimited and that trajan only took advantage of an opportunity to make idea and reality coincide 225 there are other modern historians who think that trajan s original aims were purely military and strategic to assure a more defensible eastern frontier for the empire crossing northern mesopotamia along the course of the khabur river in order to offer cover to a roman armenia 226 227 page needed this interpretation is backed by the fact that all subsequent roman wars against parthia would aim at establishing a roman presence deep into parthia itself 228 it is possible that during the onset of trajan s military experience as a young tribune he had witnessed engagement with the parthians so any strategic vision was grounded in a tactical awareness of what was needed to tackle parthia 227 page needed course of the war edit an ad 116 inscription of the legio iv scythica found near the armenian capital artaxata mentioning trajan 229 the campaign was carefully planned in advance ten legions were concentrated in the eastern theatre since 111 the correspondence of pliny the younger witnesses to the fact that provincial authorities in bithynia had to organize supplies for passing troops and local city councils and their individual members had to shoulder part of the increased expenses by supplying troops themselves 230 the intended campaign therefore was immensely costly from its very beginning 165 trajan marched first on armenia deposed the parthian appointed king parthamasiris who was afterwards murdered while kept in the custody of roman troops in an unclear incident later described by fronto as a breach of roman good faith 231 and annexed it to the roman empire as a province receiving in passing the acknowledgement of roman hegemony by various tribes in the caucasus and on the eastern coast of the black sea a process that kept him busy until the end of 114 232 at the same time a roman column under the legate lusius quietus an outstanding cavalry general 233 who had signalled himself during the dacian wars by commanding a unit from his native mauretania 234 crossed the araxes river from armenia into media atropatene and the land of the mardians present day ghilan 235 it is possible that quietus campaign had as its goal the extending of the newer more defensible roman border eastwards towards the caspian sea and northwards to the foothills of the caucasus 236 this newer more rational frontier depended however on an increased permanent roman presence east of the euphrates 237 sestertius during 116 to commemorate trajan s parthian victories obverse bust of trajan with laurel crown caption imp caes nerv traiano optimo avg ger dac parthico p m tr p cos vi p p reverse trajan standing between prostrate allegories of armenia crowned with a tiara and the rivers tigris euphrates caption armenia et mesopotamia in potestatem p r redactae put under the authority of the roman people s c senatus consultus issued by the senate the chronology of subsequent events is uncertain but it is generally believed that early in 115 trajan launched a mesopotamian campaign marching down towards the taurus mountains in order to consolidate territory between the tigris and euphrates rivers he placed permanent garrisons along the way to secure the territory 238 while trajan moved from west to east lusius quietus moved with his army from the caspian sea towards the west both armies performing a successful pincer movement 239 whose apparent result was to establish a roman presence into the parthian empire proper 240 trajan took the northern mesopotamian cities of nisibis and batnae and organized a province of mesopotamia including the kingdom of osrhoene where king abgar vii submitted to trajan publicly 241 j as a roman protectorate 240 this process seems to have been completed at the beginning of 116 when coins were issued announcing that armenia and mesopotamia had been put under the authority of the roman people 242 165 the area between the khabur river and the mountains around singara seems to have been considered as the new frontier and as such received a road surrounded by fortresses 243 after wintering in antioch during 115 116 and according to literary sources barely escaping from a violent earthquake that claimed the life of one of the consuls marcus pedo virgilianus 244 245 trajan again took to the field in 116 with a view to the conquest of the whole of mesopotamia an overambitious goal that eventually backfired on the results of his entire campaign according to some modern historians the aim of the campaign of 116 was to achieve a pre emptive demonstration aiming not toward the conquest of parthia but for tighter roman control over the eastern trade route however the overall scarcity of manpower for the roman military establishment meant that the campaign was doomed from the start 246 it is noteworthy that no new legions were raised by trajan before the parthian campaign maybe because the sources of new citizen recruits were already over exploited 247 as far as the sources allow a description of this campaign it seems that one roman division crossed the tigris into adiabene sweeping south and capturing adenystrae a second followed the river south capturing babylon trajan himself sailed down the euphrates from dura europos where a triumphal arch was erected in his honour through ozogardana where he erected a tribunal still to be seen at the time of julian the apostate s campaigns in the same area having come to the narrow strip of land between the euphrates and the tigris he then dragged his fleet overland into the tigris capturing seleucia and finally the parthian capital of ctesiphon 248 249 he continued southward to the persian gulf when after escaping with his fleet a tidal bore on the tigris 250 he received the submission of athambelus the ruler of charax he declared babylon a new province of the empire and had his statue erected on the shore of the persian gulf 251 after which he sent the senate a laurelled letter declaring the war to be at a close and bemoaning that he was too old to go on any further and repeat the conquests of alexander the great 240 since charax was a de facto independent kingdom whose connections to palmyra were described above trajan s bid for the persian gulf may have coincided with palmyrene interests in the region 252 another hypothesis is that the rulers of charax had expansionist designs on parthian babylon giving them a rationale for alliance with trajan 253 the parthian city of susa was apparently also occupied by the romans 254 a coin of trajan found together with coins of the kushan ruler kanishka at the ahin posh buddhist monastery afghanistan caption imp caes ner traiano optimo avg ger dac according to late literary sources not backed by numismatic or inscriptional evidence a province of assyria was also proclaimed 255 apparently covering the territory of adiabene k some measures seem to have been considered regarding the fiscal administration of indian trade or simply about the payment of customs latin portoria on goods traded on the euphrates and tigris 256 252 it is possible that it was this streamlining of the administration of the newly conquered lands according to the standard pattern of roman provincial administration in tax collecting requisitions and the handling of local potentates prerogatives that triggered later resistance against trajan 257 according to some modern historians trajan might have busied himself during his stay on the persian gulf with ordering raids on the parthian coasts 258 as well as probing into extending roman suzerainty over the mountaineer tribes holding the passes across the zagros mountains into the iranian plateau eastward as well as establishing some sort of direct contact between rome and the kushan empire 259 no attempt was made to expand into the iranian plateau itself where the roman army with its relative weakness in cavalry would have been at a disadvantage 260 trajan left the persian gulf for babylon where he intended to offer sacrifice to alexander in the house where he had died in 323 bc 240 but a revolt led by sanatruces a nephew of the parthian king osroes i who had retained a cavalry force possibly strengthened by the addition of saka archers 261 imperilled roman positions in mesopotamia and armenia trajan sought to deal with this by forsaking direct roman rule in parthia proper at least partially 262 trajan sent two armies towards northern mesopotamia the first under lusius quietus recovered nisibis and edessa from the rebels probably having king abgarus deposed and killed in the process 262 with quietus probably earning the right to receive the honors of a senator of praetorian rank adlectus inter praetorios 263 the second army however under appius maximus santra probably a governor of macedonia was defeated and santra killed 264 later in 116 trajan with the assistance of quietus and two other legates marcus erucius clarus and tiberius julius alexander julianus l 264 defeated a parthian army in a battle where sanatruces was killed possibly with the assistance of osroes son and sanatruces cousin parthamaspates whom trajan wooed successfully 265 after re taking and burning seleucia trajan then formally deposed osroes putting parthamaspates on the throne as client ruler this event was commemorated in a coin as the reduction of parthia to client kingdom status rex parthis datus a king is given to the parthians 266 that done trajan retreated north in order to retain what he could of the new provinces of armenia where he had already accepted an armistice in exchange for surrendering part of the territory to sanatruces son vologeses 267 and mesopotamia it was at this point that trajan s health started to fail him the fortress city of hatra on the tigris in his rear continued to hold out against repeated roman assaults he was personally present at the siege and it is possible that he suffered a heat stroke while in the blazing heat 262 diaspora revolt 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