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stock images of friends coming together sharing a joke over a glass of chardonnay the proletarian especially within the present conditions the info prole is a force who pushes forward innovation through her resistance to capital and it is capital who exists on the back foot damming the flow of proletarian innovation demanding enlarged logos in order to harness its power here goatse acts as a rejection of labour and not just labour but an ideology of post fordist labour where we are not simply selling labour time but selling ourselves our creative and cognitive skills as a product for an employer to buy perhaps here we can see goatse as a morphing of the dialogic image the dialogic image emerged as a strategy in the 1970s and 80s in the work of dutch designer jan van toorn the design presents multiple conflicting messages with a view to forcing a demystified critical reading from its audience here it is used in a positive form influenced by enzensberger s theory of emancipatory media it is considered logical a conscious and explicit criticality aimed at heightening a social awareness of the constructed nature of the visual environment a criticality negotiated between an autonomous individual designer an adventurous client and a broad undifferentiated public audience a product of a social settlement already dead in the uk now finally being destroyed in the netherlands this settlement is long gone in britain used only as a bargaining chip or blackmail within industrial relations disputes as our conditions of labour as cognitive workers have changed morphed from the design studio to the atomised precarious freelancer the ability to oversee a daring or critical design has been banished instead we work as bees each producing a tiny fragment of the whole in this position as a worker we cannot hold any critical control over the work we produce just enact the formulations of other workers the workers who piece together polls and focus groups who brainstorm slogans or typefaces in this scenario the dialogic image must be reduced to a short hand goatse the in joke provides that within goatse the dialogic image is covert unable to exercise any significant level of authorial control within the design process the designer forces the critical dissonance by tapping into the in joke rather than a critical dialogue between worker and employer being an open one it has become a secretive conflict rather than a critical design image being a conscious attempt to demystify design as a mediated process it becomes an attempt to undermine and destroy the design process adopting the supposedly most efficient working process for capital has pushed design to eat itself the dialogic image has become the weaponisation of ridicule the designer has become a postfordist saboteur of the industrial process and the ever present spectre of sabotage as the unspoken clot of class war clogs another artery of capital share this share on facebook opens in new window facebook share on x opens in new window x like loading 27 comments posted in uncategorized trails posted on september 22 2011 1 comment dsg aims to publish posts and propaganda from various sources as provocation and stimulation the following pdfs were produced by timothy thornton a writer and musician living in brighton thornton writes two acknowledgments trails is definitely supposed to be some sort of poem or dossier in verse but in two aspects it is derived from musical works its construction was inspired by james saunders s unassigned 2000 9 an ongoing modular composition each version is compiled for a specific reading in these cases the night before and then edited in the morning and each takes as part of its title the date of that reading from oliver rappoport s senderos 2008 it takes its title as well as a compositional attitude mimicking exploration congestion prohibition or diversion some trails recur either as before or in slightly altered form some generate or lead to further trails and some are abruptly curtailed or blocked off download pdf of trails 01 07 2001 download pdf of trails 13 07 2011 share this share on facebook opens in new window facebook share on x opens in new window x like loading 1 comment posted in uncategorized more sinned against than sinning posted on september 16 2011 1 comment share this share on facebook opens in new window facebook share on x opens in new window x like loading 1 comment posted in uncategorized motd edl vs uaf posted on september 7 2011 10 comments dsg aims to publish posts and propaganda from various sources as provocation and stimulation the following text was produced by paul o hagan a journalist living in east london he is writing under a pseudonym drink fight fall over is there any buzz quite like walking out into the stands of a full football stadium that point when the grey concrete steps fall from the top of your eyeline replaced with flashes of colour from thousands of fans is perhaps a unique experience you feel a blast of the senses as the rise and fall of competing chants roll around the stadium like a wave along a beach a general hubbub of nerves and anticipation is subsumed into the spirit of the crowd and as an individual a little bit of you slips away it s a relief losing that autonomy and gaining that community and there are few experiences we have today to match it passing through the increasingly omnipresent police lines that cut across the streets in london i find myself caught up in that sensation more and more the tone of protest in britain is changing not necessarily becoming more radical in any real sense of the word but certainly more spectacular and amongst the trainers padding along the concrete and arms raised in expectant celebration or hopeless defiance i find it difficult to distinguish the hazy line between attending a football match and attending a street demonstration that important line was completely washed away for me on saturday 3rd september as the english defence league a anti islamisation protest movement attempted to march on tower hamlets i don t want to make the crass observation that edl are little more than football hooligans that element should be clear enough to anyone who has encountered them en masse and indeed the group emerged from the organisational structures already existing within the british hooligan movement the ability to mobilise firms into attendance gave edl the appearance of an early burst of dynamism with rapidly swelling numbers brought about more by existing loyalties than diligent community organisation it is that brand of loyalty that guides the politics of the group too frequently branded as fascist the group actually walks a muddled line between a rather nostalgic provincial patriotism evoked by the apple cheeked non halal village butcher and more contested and complicated discourses of liberalism and multiculturalism such as their lgbt division this balancing act is ham fisted in practice the edl ranks harbour a good number of hardened fascists from the endlessly splintering history of the british far right including bnp nf and c18 they march uncomfortably alongside rainbow flags and the jewish division under the banner political expediency however it would probably be more accurate to trace their ideological lineage back to the league of empire loyalists rather than national socialism lacking as it does any form of revolutionary aspiration or politics the edl are extremists in that their positions are at the uncompromising and super simplistic end of a discourse on multiculturalism which starts in the centre right rather than radicals implying a distinct ideological break with those positions this is one of the reasons why the rallying cry of fascism by their opponents fails to ring true for many whilst in the edl drinking grounds and coaches there is no doubt radical fascist opinion there is little in the edl s explicit discourse or propaganda which cannot be found in the dinner parties and clubs of the tory establishment or on the pages of the majority of national newspapers indeed the edl operate not as a traditional fascist party hunting for power but more as a street pressure group aimed at nudging parliamentary policy and british culture opening the overton window to increasingly aggressive anti muslim policies and attitudes and it is this street activity which offers the members the incentive to join up and turn out the core activity of the edl is the symbolic demonstration its rituals offer the same rewards of the football match the traveling and pre match boozing the camaraderie the chants often taken straight from the terraces the highs and lows of the game the temporary freedom from the more restrictive social norms the caricatured enemy and shared loyalties the anonymity of the crowd and finally the post mortem pints the arguments around tactics and management styles this attitude to demonstrations isn t limited to the far right of course i see much the same attitude displayed on the organised left albeit with a little more internecine rivalry thrown in and for some sections of both left and right the ritual of the demonstration fixture remains the limit of social activism with violence increasing in its intensity as each demonstration decreases in its potential for social change saturday s tower hamlets demonstration between edl and uaf unite against fascism an anti fascist organisation reached the nadir of the demonstration as sporting event both sides established their mythology well before the big derby for the edl this was a march into the lion s den of british islamism for the uaf this was nothing less than a re run of the battle of cable street in 1936 when 300 000 people fought off the metropolitan police who were attempting to facilitate a british union of fascists march through the east end on those terms it seemed far from a symbolic demonstration the edl wanted to march despite a ban into tower hamlets to threaten and intimidate local muslims whilst the uaf wanted to physically prevent them from doing so and demonstrate the unity of the local population whilst doing so there is much to be said for the large scale community mobilisation of the counter demonstration and i do not want to appear to be deriding such hard work but i feel it s important to distinguish between the symbolic demonstration and the direct intervention when it comes to anti fascism it was clear monitoring the social media and youtube chatter after the event as well as talking with activists that the matchday mentality had sunk deep in sections of these groups with talk about who had won a contested issue greatly overriding any other issues the day may have raised in point of fact this was displayed literally with members of both sides bragging th 1 edl 0 or edl 1 tower hamlets nil but the game on the day failed to live up to the importance of the derby in the hype and mythology of both groups the edl barely got to the borders of the borough let alone to the east london mosque which forms the target of so much of their venom for the uaf the day was far from a cable street moment unlike cable street the state were actively preventing the edl from marching on the east end it was the metropolitan police who ended up scrapping on the street with the fascists whilst the uaf stood 100 yards away behind police lines both could claim victory in equal measure but the for the metropolitan police it was an almost textbook policing operation that reinforced the state role as arbiters of anti social street politics and keepers of the peace much like during sporting events and it is worth pointing out that policing of football matches is routinely far more heavy handed than most demonstrators will ever face it certainly was not a significant and real standoff between two dynamic and radical social movements with the fascists scurrying off in the face of the might of the organised working class but rather a victory for state power a better scoreline would perhaps have been edl 1 th 2 met police 5 the facehugger moment when the real breaks forth uncontrolled from the chest of the symbolic the fragile chrysalis of symbolism and self mythology was only shattered briefly after the organised mass demonstrations ended a coach carrying edl members home was travelling through tower hamlets when its learing and gesturing passengers were attacked by local youths throwing street furniture through the coach windows until police arrived to arrest and escort the edl members from the area this was a breakthrough of the lines and limits of protest proscribed by the state of the day s theatrical narrative and a breakthrough of real violence out of the symbolic protest it is this uncomfortable dualistic relationship between symbolic violence and real violence that has defined the extra parliamentary political sphere since the eruption of the millbank riot last november sitting side by side have been the symbolic violence of the self avowed political street demonstration with the post political of real violence breaking out without context or codification as a reaction rather than a provocation both in communities and entangled within political demonstrations the street demonstration is the site where symbolic political violence is played out in an ideologically structured and limited environment the violence of the black bloc for example isn t meaningless it is tightly codified and understood within the context of a dying parliamentary system and increasing exasperation and resentment from the populace the fear for the state is the violence that isn t limited by these parameters whether it was the outbreaks of far more extreme violence within the parliament square kettle on december 9th when supposedly apolitical british youth attempted to storm the british treasury with makeshift battering rams to chants of we want our money back to barricades across major london roads and street to street fighting with police during august s riots violence without limit violence without demand violence without end talking to edl members and reading their propaganda it s easy to see that the social conditions the organised left blames for creating the august riots are certainly not racially defined but are aggravating factors within the far right lack of social cohesion poverty unemployment resentment and immobility i m far from sure these are the causes of the riots at least not exclusively but increasingly precarious living conditions and resentment of parliamentary politics are rapidly becoming a defining characteristic of the entire working class in the uk and i think any prediction that future social unrest will continue to focus on material needs i e looting and anti police violence would be foolhardy manifestations of intraclass war are just as viable my fear is that a very real fascist terror will emerge from the very same social and political environment the riots emerged from seemingly spontaneous within the med...