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in ccc rsq and rr abstracts this post follows up on my discussion of citation frequencies in abstracts in rhetoric and composition journals to reiterate a safe assumption to make is that citations in abstracts are central to the arguments presented and the research undertaken in the articles themselves they are particularly informative about overall trends the genre of the humanities article demands more citations than a core argument actually requires so looking at citations in abstracts should control for that genre requirement distilling down all citations to the most vital ones the journals college composition and communication ccc rhetoric society quarterly rsq and rhetoric review rr the ccc abstracts run from february 2000 51 3 to september 2011 63 1 a total of 261 abstracts the rsq abstracts run from winter 2000 30 1 to fall 2011 41 5 a total of 220 abstracts the rr abstracts run from 2002 21 3 to 2011 30 4 a total of 154 abstracts the previous post discussed the long tail distribution that emerged from the citation frequencies and what it means for disciplinary identity this post presents information on the gender of the sources cited in the abstracts then makes a few comments about demographic distributions in general there are 79 unique citations in the ccc abstracts 159 unique citations in the rsq abstracts and 121 unique citations in the rr abstracts see previous post for xls data files here s how the gender distribution falls in ccc 23 out of the 79 sources are female in rsq 39 out of the 159 sources are female in rr 36 out of the 121 sources are female and here are graphs of the raw counts and of the percentages abstract citations by gender raw count abstract citations by gender percentage in authoring a discipline maureen daly goggin has shown that by 1990 total contributors to 9 of rhetoric and composition s major journals including the 3 analyzed here had equalized to a nearly 50 50 split between males and females i imagine this trend has continued into the new millennium but it would be worthwhile to determine whether or not that s the case what has not equalized however is the gender contribution in terms of citations odds are counting all citations in the articles themselves would alleviate the large gap seen in the graphs above but insofar as we accept that abstract citations represent the most vital sources in each journal then an obvious gender gap still exists in ccc rsq and rr citations in rsq and rr this gap in part likely has something to do with these journals tendencies to publish work on rhetorical history i pointed this out in the last post 27 or 22 of the rr citations are sources from the 17th century or earlier 26 or 16 of rsq citations are from the same period those numbers would grow if they included figures from the 18th and 19th centuries as well the reality is most of these historical sources are male plato cicero aristotle quintilian et cetera i have no ready explanation for why ccc citations should have as large a gender gap as the other journals citations given that ccc builds most of its scholarship on sources from the middle part of the 20th century or later if we look at the 102 most cited figures in ccc between 1987 and 2011 mueller grasping we discover that 43 102 42 of the sources are female a gender imbalance but one not nearly as pronounced as the imbalance that surfaces in abstract citations i d be curious to see the gender distribution in mueller s entire data set is there a nearly 50 50 split between male and female sources across all citations in ccc between 1987 and 2011 if so we could model the gender imbalance in this journal s citations as an emergent feature 50 50 across the entire data set 58 42 in the most popular citations between 1987 and 2011 71 29 in abstracts between 2000 and 2011 it s unfortunate that ccc did not publish abstracts until the late 1990s so that the dates of the abstracts and the articles could be uniform the question of demographic balance is one that spills a lot of digital ink just this morning scott weingart visualized the gender im balance of digital humanities conference attendees about a 70 30 split that favors males and google recently released the demographic characteristics of its workforce 30 of its employees are women 17 of its technical employees are women 60 of its employees are white 30 of its employees are asian read east asian and indian and only 3 of its employees are non asian minorities i asked scott why our default assumption should be uniform demographic distribution when looking at statistical trends that emerge at large scales we shouldn t be surprised to discover that human populations cluster differently at least that s my default assumption the dh conference draws more males but then an early childhood education conference will draw more females i once attended a conference on speech and behavior therapy for autistic children there were no more than three or four males amid about seventy females or take a look at the national association for the education of young children although we often hear about the male ness of executive boards the naeyc s executive team is entirely female and its 17 member governing board boasts 13 females and only 4 males looking at all the early childhood education associations and organizations in the country what gender trends would we expect to find the first question to ask about demographic distribution in any particular population like google s workforce or citations in abstracts is this what are the characteristics of the larger population from which this particular population is drawing as long as rhetorical scholars continue to look at rhetorical history where most of the figures are male then we can continue to expect many citations in these historical journals to be male this may change however as more and more rhetorical historians re discover the history of female oratory or in google s case if we take the american population as the baseline assuming a 50 50 gender split then clearly there is a gender imbalance but in terms of race and ethnicity its white workforce is in fact under represented raising the percentage of blacks and hispanics at google would mean firing a lot of the chinese and indians unless we want to make whites more under represented than they already are a fairer baseline population would be the percentage of working age adults in america or better yet the percentage of working age adults with college degrees however those stats are much harder to come by total population is a decent but imperfect proxy the point is that we do not always find particular populations boasting a uniform or near uniform demographic distribution why is this a complex question given the totality of the human population or more humbly the totality of any total population in a given geographic area why do we find the smaller population clusters clustering the way they do around different practices why are there more males in ccc citations why are there more males at the dh conference why are east asians and indians so over represented at google why are there so few east asians and indians in the nfl and the nba that populations cluster differently around different practices seems to be a statistical fact is it also a future inevitability posted in writing and semiotics 1 comment april 28 2014 by seth long a possible explanation for the emergence of quotative like in american english so monica was like what are you doing here chandler and chandler was like uhh nothing and then monica was like why are you here with phoebe and chandler was like i don t know and monica was like whatever quotative be like probably gets on your nerves unfortunately for you it spread like wildfire in the latter half of the 20th century and today is used by native and non native speakers alike as often as they use traditional say type quotatives what is its structure when did it arise and why did it spread so quickly this post offers a possible explanation based on evidence dragged up from the depths of the google books corpus to appreciate that evidence however we need to start with some discussion of this quotative s formal properties 1 one interesting property of quotative be like is its ambiguous semantics in some contexts it is a stative predicate that denotes internal speech i e thoughts reflexive of an attitude in other contexts it is an eventive predicate denoting an actual speech act sometimes the denotation is ambiguous as in 1 1 monica was like oh my god did monica literally say oh my god or did she just think or feel it another interesting property of quotative be like is that it disallows indirect speech 2a monica was like i should go to the mall 2b monica was like that she should go to the mall 2c monica was like she should go to the mall quotative say of course allows indirect speech 3a monica said i should go to the mall 3b monica said that she should go to the mall 3c monica said she should go to the mall haddican et al 2012 recognize that quotative be like is immune to indirect speech due to its mimetic implicature 2b cannot be allowed because quotative be like always means something more along these lines 4 monica was like quote given the implied mimesis of this construction it makes no sense as in 2b and 2c to add an overt complementizer and to change person tense to produce an indirect third person report this property is shared by all uses of quotative be like whether in their stative or eventive readings but there s more to it than a mimetic implicature schourup 1982 points out that quotative go also shares this mimetic property although he does not frame it as such as expected of a quotative with a mimetic implicature quotative go likewise does not allow an indirect speech interpretation via addition of an overt complementizer and shifts in person tense 5a monica goes i should go to the mall 5b monica goes that she should go to the mall why should these innovative quotatives be so immune to indirect speech and so committed to direct quote marking schourup suggests that quotative go and by extension quotative be like arose precisely to meet english s need for a mimetic unambiguous direct quotation marker prior to the occurrence of these new quotatives english lacked such a marker consider 6a and 6b below 6a when i talked to him yesterday chandler said that you should go to the doctor 6b when i talked to him yesterday chandler said you should go to the doctor there is no ambiguity in 6a the speaker of this utterance clearly intends to convey to his interlocutor that chandler said the interlocutor should go to the doctor 6b however introduces ambiguity the utterance in 6b can be interpreted in two ways a chandler said the speaker of the utterance i e i should go to the doctor b chandler said the speaker s interlocutor i e you should go to the doctor with orthographic conventions of course this ambiguity disappears 6c when i talked to him yesterday chandler said you should go to the doctor so i went however unlike other languages spoken english has no quoting conventions it has no direct quote markers for unmarked speech it is unclear if 6b is a true quotative or merely an indirect report on speech with a null complementizer we can imagine speakers needing to clarify this ambiguity joey when i talked to him yesterday chandler said you should go to the doctor ross wait he said i should go or you should go this ambiguity arises with say type verbs whenever the complementizer that is omitted it is traditionally understood that english differentiates between direct quotatives and indirectly reported speech via shifts in person and or tense however the overt complemetizer is really the central feature of this differentiation without an overt complementizer it is never entirely clear if the embedded clause is a direct quote or an indirect report of speech here s another example 7 joey chandler said i will be responsible for the cat s funeral without the aid of quote marks we cannot know whether chandler or joey is responsible for the cat s funeral even though the embedded clause contains a shift in both person and tense of course if joey wants to convey that joey himself will be responsible for the cat s funeral he can simply add the overt complementizer chandler said that i will be responsible however if joey wants to convey that chandler has decided to be responsible joey has no way to convey it unambiguously with say type verbs he must resort to an indirect speech construction with an overt complementizer alternatively he can resort to non structural signals a short pause a change in intonation or a mimicry of chandler s voice or he must abandon say type constructions altogether and convey his meaning some other way quotative go and quotative be like solve this ambiguity these innovative quotatives always signal that the following clause is mimetic a direct quote of speech or thought many languages russian japanese georgian ancient greek to name just a few have overt markers to ensure that interior clauses are understood as being directly quoted material whether or not those quoted clauses contain grammatical shifts though of course they often do the quotatives go and be like serve this same purpose they are structural unambiguous markers for direct speech which is why one cannot use them for indirect speech and which is also why they have spread so widely and quickly they have met a real need in the language quotative go however is attested long before quotative be like the oxford english dictionary puts the earliest usage in the early 19th century initially as a way to mime sounds people made then later as a way to report on actual speech here s an example from dickens pickwick papers so although i have said that both quotative be like and quotative go met a need in english for an unambiguous direct quotation marker it was go that in fact met the need first by at least a century this historical fact leads me to suspect that quotative be like met a slightly different need while quotative go became a direct quotation marker for speech acts quotative be like became a direct quotation marker for thoughts as haddican et al rightly note an innovative feature of these quotatives is that they allow direct quotes to be descriptors of states in other words the directly marked quotes of go denote external speech the directly marked quotes of be like primarily denote internal speech i e thoughts or attitudes i believe this hypothesis is supported by the earliest uses of quotative be like to which we now turn 2 today young native and non native speakers of english frequently use like as a versatile discourse marker or interjection in addition to its use as a quotative d arcy 2005 d arcy provides two extreme examples of discourse marker like both are taken from a large corpus of spoken english 8 i love carrie like carrie s like a little like out of it but like she s the funniest like she s a ...
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